India’s Superpower Euphoria CXLII
http://cogitoergosum.co.cc/2010/11/30/indias-superpower-euphoria-cxlii/
30 11 10 Written by navanavonmilita
Across the straits
Pramit Pal Chaudhuri, Hindustan Times
New Delhi, November 29, 2010
First Published: 21:48 IST(29/11/2010)
Last Updated: 21:55 IST(29/11/2010)
15 Comments
India’s Look East policy is transforming into a Do East policy. Some genuine economic and strategic heft is being added to what used to be an engagement of trade-and-rhetoric with the Asia-Pacific rim. New push and pull factors are driving this change. The biggest push factor is the growing
investment presence of India’s private corporate sector in a swathe of countries ranging from Australia to Japan. The new pull factor is China’s increasing willingness to pick fights with its neighbours. India’s naval profile is now a matter of interest beyond the Straits of Malacca. India’s private corporations and entrepreneurs have become rock stars in Southeast Asia. The Asian Tigers are limping. Maturer Southeast Asian economies like Malaysia and Thailand are seeing China eating into what was once their industrial bread and butter: goods made on their soil for export by foreign multinationals. Their labour costs are too high, their domestic firms too small for them to find a new competitive niche.
To plug this hole they are inviting Indian firms to invest, and encouraging their firms to seek South Asian customers. Malaysian firms have already put $2.5 billion in India. Recently, Malaysian Prime Minister Abdul Razak spoke to The Indus Entrepreneurs and urged its Indian business membership to invest in his country because “there are many fields and industries in which Indian companies, and the entrepreneurs that drive them, are leading the world.”
But even a country like Japan, still the world’s third-richest nation, is looking at building India’s infrastructure and partnering with Indian firms to breathe new life into its economy. The ruling Democratic Party of Japan was less Sinophobic than its predecessors. But it continued the same India policy because of its economic New Growth Strategy, say Japanese officials.
Then there is the pull factor of China.
Beijing has raised the hackles of pretty much everyone the past two years. No one is quite sure why China is suddenly bursting testosterone, but senior Indian officials say a belief that the US in “terminal decline” is probably the most important. The primary consequence has been a growing US willingness to confront China in the Asia-Pacific area. The secondary one has been rallying behind the US of most East Asian nations, especially in Southeast Asia. This was particularly evident at the latest Asian Regional Forum when China found itself isolated on the region’s various territorial disputes.
India is a small but growing part of this equation. Japanese scholars pointed out their country’s defence agreement with India is, on paper at least, second only to its understanding with the US. The militaries in many Southeast Asian countries are now exploring the idea of India as a military hedge against China.
Though the strategic element in the Look East policy receives much attention, the truth is that most Southeast Asian nations have doubts over India’s will and wherewithal to project power outside the Indian Ocean. The meekness of India’s response to North Korea’s aggression this past week has only strengthened the sense that India as a Pacific player is still a work in progress.
What does India have to do to be seen as a genuine Asia-Pacific player? One, actively pursue the Japan relationship. As Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has noted, this is one of the few relationships that is potentially ‘transformational’ in terms of massively multiplying India’s capacities. “India and Japan are natural allies,” says Asia expert Daniel Twining of the German Marshall Fund, “who complement each other’s security and economic needs.”
Two, India needs to provide an alternative manufacturing hub to China. At present, the Asia-Pacific economy is dominated by manufacturing supply chains whose centre is China and whose spokes run to Southeast Asia, Japan and South Korea. The final goods destination remains the West. This has been the source of China’s enormous trade wealth. Conversely, India is a marginal trader because it’s outside this web. One reason India is signing many bilateral free-trading agreements in Asia is to try and move more of these supply chains across its borders.
Three, India needs a military posture in the Asia-Pacific that goes beyond sending the odd warship and holding the odd military exercise. These are symbolically nice but substantially meaningless. India has almost no military infrastructure east of the Andamans. One possible move: piggy-back on the existing resources of the US military in that area.
Finally, India remains overly cautious on the diplomatic front. New Delhi strongly supported bringing in countries like the US into the East Asia Summit — and providing ballast against a rising China. An Australian diplomat commented, “The membership’s good now, now we need to get the agenda right.” But India seems fuzzy about what comes next. Says a western diplomat, “It’s not clear India has understood that the summit could be a security arrangement and not merely an economic body.”
New Delhi recognises China’s bungling and India’s entrepreneurs have helped give its Look East policy a set of jet-powered wings. All that is required for New Delhi to learn is how to follow the pilot manual.
Comments:
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ravi 3 hours ago
If India does not actively pursue alliances as mentioned in the above article, we will definitely have to face the Chinese all by ourselves very soon. While the chinese are encircling us via ports in Pak, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, our PM is talking about the good intentions of Wen and Hu Jintao. Even after thousand years of history our PM ( and Nehru Family Congress ) has not understood that projecting weakness will surely invite the Chinese to test our will. Our security preparedness should not be dependent on the good/bad intentions of China/Pak, but it should be solely dependent on the worse assumptions. But our good PM’s foremost agenda is working on to make sure that RahulJi is our next Prime Minister, security comes later. BJP did the nuclear explosion, but beyond that they also continued to project India as a soft state by surrendering to the terrorist during the Kandahar hijacking.
1 person liked this.
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joker 6 hours ago
2012: The chinese have attacked and overrun arunachal and kashmir and manipur. All our leaders are having an all party meeting to discuss the situation:
our beloved sardarji PM: We deeply love the (Chinese) Premier. Lets discuss everything in a loving way.
Munni italian maino: let me send my son the crown prince to talk to the chinese, he will get the tribals of arunachal to convince the chinese to retreat.
SM Krishna: Mr Manmohanji, let me put a call to Obamaji and he will talk to the chinese to sort out this matter.
Advani: Let me take a rath yatra to mount kailash to built a shiv mandir…this will convince the chinese that tibet belongs to india…
Modi: let us change the name of india to gujarat and change the father of the nation to ambedkar and then lets go murder some people…the chinese will see we are fighting amongst ourselves, they’ll leave us alone!
Mumbai bin laden: send all biharis to arunachal pradesh to fight the chinese ; this way we can rid mumbai of all biharis….
Gadhakari: “yawns” arrey bhai khana kab milega?
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Gujarati 6 hours ago
the bin laden of mumbai wanted to roar against the chinese and bihari, but only saliva came out of his mouth. the gujarati ganja ravan wanted to go to bihar to murder some innocents, but nitish said no. the dadaji wanted to take out a rath yatra to china border, but in the end decided to sit at home.
1 person liked this.
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Seve 11 hours ago
All this talk of terminal decline of USA is infantile and premature.USA will remain the Top Dog for the rest of this century, both militarily and economically.India would do better by resurging the econmoic growth to over 10%,
and immediately form a strategic allliance with Japan, USA and Indonesia, this will defang China. As to India’s mark on the Asian Theatre, will come from the next crop of younger,assertive,articulate politicians, not from these bunch of jokers and clowns, who can not even articulate and express cogently, headless chickens.
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Feraz 11 hours ago
Mr. S.M. Krishna is UPA 2′s Shivraj Patil. Slow to react, indecisive and no charisma at all for an MEA
1 person liked this.
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Rakesh katyal 12 hours ago
India’s politicians are its worst enemies. Unless the quality of our political leaders improves drastically we never will be any power to compete with China. We have a huge pool of talent. But we donot have the leadership tot exploit it. A political revolution is required to change the way India is governed.
1 person liked this.
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JOSEPH 12 hours ago
STILL YOU NOT WRIGHT ANYTHING AGAINST 2G SPECTRUM SCAM OR CWG SCAM OR ADHARSH SCAM, YOU HT PEOPLE WANT DIVERT ATTENTION REAL ISSUE
1 person liked this.
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ashok 14 hours ago
India’s focus for at least the next twenty years should be sustained economic growth, similar to what the Chinese did. A little early in the script to dream Asia-Pacific dreams.
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prem 13 hours ago in reply to ashok
With China being on the prowl in the region, building bases and tying up with Pakistan, can India afford to sit back and concentrate on economic growth alone? China could do so in the past 20 years for the reason there was no real challenge to them. The scenario today is different.
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Candor 16 hours ago
The eastern countries are largely benefited from China uprise and China is also allowing them to benefit considering them as a regional tie up. All Eastern countries are inclined to China and considering India business as secondary. India Govt. has never back Indian business by ensuring same gets top or equal priority with top. India Govt. has endorsed normal maritime norms and rules prevailing across the world but did not try to accord special status to Indian business like US is doing. US business is handled in time bound manner but Indian business is discarded at any stage against China and Eastern countries business because they yield more profits though India has opposite imbalance because of more imports and less exports against Eastern countries more exports and low imports. Indian business yield more profit against other countries considering both ways movement. It is agony that Indian Govts are always involved in making money and have no vision to safeguard country business interest in time bound manner. In US, even freights of origins to destinations need to be filed with Federal Management Committee but India businesses are forced to pay higher considering secondary against eastern countries.
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prem 17 hours ago
Our response to North Korea’s provocation vis-a-vis South Korea was as meek as meek could be. The fact is, India remains a soft power, will less of military might and clout; and boldness is not what we are known for, other than for a military foray in Male at the invitation of the dispensation there during Rajiv Gandhi’s time. We are simply baskinig under the glory of the good show by the Indian entrepreneurs on world stage, esply the strong show by the IT sector, the steely resolve of the Mittals etc etc; and the scientific community is showing some signs of maturing and innovation, the Moon Mission included. Overall, miles to go before we can dream of a Super Power status; platitudes from Barack Obama notwithstanding.
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sand_9999 19 hours ago
What crap? Whats new in this? Its all 2 month old story now.
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Johnson Thomas Karingozhakal 1 day ago
Highly informative analysis. India should reinforce its relations with East many fold to be a credible player for global security. India should embrace the fact that its national security and economic security interests are the two sides of the same coin as in the case of its East Asian partners. However Indian military is thinking of sending its experienced military officers to Sandhurst in Britain like it once sent its best political brains to that country to get brainwashed there. This act by the Indian defence establishment by Mr.A K Anthony when according to his own admission that Indian forces have a short fall of about 15,000 officers is very very wrong if not anti-national interest. If in all this if the Indian elephant is tethered in a British stable alone without having similar arrangements with the USA, Japan or Israel then it will only create subservience to British military interests in the minds of the Indian military officers. This should be exposed and Anthony must explain to the people of India why he is losing out India’s best officers in this way when we have 15,000 shortfall. The news is packaged as “reverse raj”- its only a packaging and a veil.
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Noopur 1 day ago
Well India does not have any Directions, as it is led by Morons….You need a visionary leaders and India does not have one in making………
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Pankajsh 1 day ago
Until India realizes its own potential, which is enormous, it will continue to draw contempt of china and pakistan. These countries respect only power and will to use that power. Risk aversion by indian politicos will only drag India into pit and its adversaries will continue to test Indians.
Looking East: India and Southeast Asia By G V C Naidu
South-East Asia and the Pacific
During 1996-97, India’s relations with the countries of the South East Asian region and the South Pacific continued to improve. As a validation of a conscious adoption of a “Look East” Policy, India became a full Dialogue Partner of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and participated for the first time at the Post Ministerial Conference (PMC) of ASEAN in Jakarta in July 1996. India also participated for the first time in the meeting of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) which deliberates on the security and political concerns of the Asia Pacific region.
Bilateral relations with Thailand were further strengthened. Princess Dr. Chulabhorn Mahidol, the youngest daughter of the King of Thailand, visited India from 19 November-1 December 1996 in connection with the United Nations Environ-ment Program (UNEP) Award Ceremony. Another Royal guest from Thailand was the second daughter of the King, Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn, who visited Andaman and Nicobar Islands from 21-26 December 1996. The Festival of Thailand in India timed to coincide with 50th Anniversary of Indian independence was inaugu-rated by Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn. Vice-president Shri K R Narayanan transited through Bangkok on his way to Mongolia.
The Singapore government took the initiative in holding the first-ever-Global Indian Entrepreneurs Conference (GIEC) in June 1996 bringing together Indian and Indian origin businessmen from around the globe. Finance Minister Shri P Chidambaram was the keynote speaker at the Conference. India and Singapore held week long Anti Submarine Warfare Exercises off Visakhapatnam from 3-13 March 1996. Chief of Naval Staff of Singapore participated in the concluding function of the Exercises. Bilateral trade and investment relations with Singapore continued to grow.
Malaysian Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad paid a state visit to India from 19-22 December 1996 to receive the 1994 Jawaharlal Nehru Award for Interna-tional Understanding. Dr. Mahathir also delivered the First India-ASEAN Lecture instituted under the Full Dialogue Partnership with ASEAN. During the official visit of the Minister of External Affairs to Malaysia on 18 and 19 August 1996 ports, power and highways were identified as three areas where Malaysian expertise can be beneficial to India.
The Second Meeting of the Indo-Brunei joint Committee was held. Though bilateral trade between the two countries is limited, the two countries are seeking ways to expand it.
President of Philippines Fidel V Ramos paid a State visit to India from 3-5 March 1997. He was accompanied by leaders of the business community in Philippines. To further acquaint Philippines’ commerce and industry with reforms in India, the Indian Embassy organized two Business Seminars on the emerging opportunities in India in the new economic environment. The second Meeting of the India-Philippines Joint Business Council was held in New Delhi in September 1996.
India continued to have friendly and close relations with Indonesia. Minister of External Affairs visited Indonesia in July 1996 to attend the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and ASEAN-PMC meetings in Jakarta where India was formally admitted as member of the ARF and Full Dialogue Partner of ASEAN. Chief of Naval Staff attended the inauguration of the Indonesia Air Show held in Jakarta on 20 June 1996. During the World Food Summit held in Rome, Prime Minister had a meeting with the Indonesian President on 16 November 1996. The two leaders discussed means to build and expand bilateral relations and the need to strengthen India’s relations with ASEAN countries in general. Indonesia agreed to India’s proposal for setting up a Telemetry Tracking ground station at Biak (Kalimantan) for continuous monitoring of the Indian Space Research Organization’s (ISRO) Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle (GSLV). An agreement for cooperation in the field of space science is in the final stages of negotiation. In December 1996, India and Indonesia signed a Cultural Exchange Program for the year 1997-1999 under the aegis of the India-Indonesia Cultural Agreement with a view to promoting further understanding and closer cooperation in the field of culture and education. The holding of an exclusive Indian Trade Exhibition in Jakarta in March 1996 coincided with the meeting of the Joint Business Council. FICCI opened an office in Jakarta.
India maintained very close and friendly relations with Vietnam. Prime Minister of Vietnam paid an official visit to India in March 1997. The Third Meeting of the India-Vietnam Joint Working Group (JWG) was held in New Delhi on 16 and 17 January 1997 to review progress on various bilateral cooperation programs and a Work Plan for Agricultural Cooperation was signed during the JWG meeting. Chief of Naval Staff visited Vietnam in May 1996. Another Rupee credit of Rs 90 crore on soft terms was extended to Vietnam for capital goods imports from India.
India continued to have very close and warm relations with Laos. An MOU for cooperation in the field of agriculture was negotiated. Government of India pledged to provide medicines worth Rs 15 lakh to Laos as flood relief.
Relations with Cambodia remained very friendly and warm. An agreement to set up an India-Cambodia Joint Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific and Technological Cooperation was finalized. First Prime Minister of Cambodia Prince Norodom Ranariddh visited Bodh Gaya, Patna on 16 December 1996 on a pilgrimage.
Relations between India and Australia continued to grow in diverse fields. Australian Foreign Minister visited India from 19-23 October 1996 to launch the Australia-India New Horizons Promotion to raise Australia’s profile in India. The other prominent Australian leaders who visited India to participate in the New Horizons Program during the core period of the program (22 October-8 Novem-ber 1996) were Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Trade, Minister for Employ-ment, Education, Training and Youth Affairs, Minister for Communications and Arts, Minister for Resources and Energy and three Deputy Premiers from Tasmania, New South Wales and Western Australia and the Leader of Opposition in the Australian House of Representatives and Shadow Foreign Minister. From the Indian side Minister for Steel and Mines, Minister of Railways and Minister for Textiles visited Australia.
India-New Zealand relations continued to be friendly and cordial. Minister for Textiles visited New Zealand to inaugurate the Buyer-Seller-Meet (BSM) organized by Apparels Export Promotion Council in Auckland and to attend a meeting of the India–New Zealand joint Business Council on Wool in Wellington. Chief of Naval Staff paid a four-day goodwill visit to New Zealand.
India opened a resident Mission in Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea (PNG), on 12 April 1996 and the first resident High Commissioner to PNG presented his credentials on 14 May 1996. Government of India established diplomatic relations with Micronesia on 29 November 1996 and also decided to establish diplomatic relations with Marshal Islands. Efforts were made to strengthen and maintain India’s friendly relations with other Pacific Island countries.
Government of India closely followed developments in Fiji as well as the process of constitutional reforms, which has been set in motion. The Government expressed the hope that the implementation of the Constitution Review Commission’s recommenda-tions would be done in a manner that meets the expectations of the Fijians of Indian origin. Government of India has consistently taken the stand that the 1990 racially biased constitution should be reviewed to arrive at a constitutional arrangement that is, democratic, just, non-discriminatory and acceptable to all the communities living in Fiji.
India, Southeast Asia and the FTA
Strengthening Economic Integration
It was Ong Keng Yong, the then Secretary
General of the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN), who insisted in early 2007 that
India, Australia and New Zealand should be
included in plans to establish a free-trade zone
covering all 16 nations who participate in the East
Asia Summit (EAS). ASEAN economic ministers
agreed at the time to study a Japanese proposal
for a 16 nation free-trade area, which would
harness 3 billion people and an economic output
of US$9 trillion. Japan’s plan rivalled a separate
review by a Chinese academic for an economic
bloc consisting of only ASEAN Plus Three.
However, the outcome of the summit held in
Singapore in December 2007 was that China’s
demand that only ASEAN Plus Three should be
included in the community was recognized.
India’s failure to sign the Free Trade Agreement
(FTA) with ASEAN facilitated China’s attempt to
keep India out of the big club, highlighting once
again India’s skewed decision-making process
and its failure to recognize the importance of
time and opportunity, which once lost are difficult
to come by again. That recognition dawned on
India last July when the economist in Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh tried to recover the lost
ground and secured his cabinet’s clearance for
the trade agreement.
This essay analyses the implications of the FTA for
India, while also considering the future face of
India’s trade with ASEAN.
I
FTA: OVERCOMING THE OPPOSITION
Manmohan Singh fielded his heavyweight ministers
and marshalled powerful arguments to deal with
political resistance from his colleagues from
southern states who were concerned that cheap
imports from Southeast Asia, facilitated by the FTA,
would hurt domestic growers of tea, coffee,
cashew, coconut, spices and rubber, as well as
manufacturers of auto components.
“A free trade agreement with ASEAN is an
international political commitment and is also part
of the Look East Policy,” the Economic Times quoted
Prime Minister Singh as saying during the Cabinet
meeting held on 24 July 2009. In deference to the
wishes of the ASEAN countries he even advanced
the date of signing the FTA from the October
summit to13 August, on the sidelines of the Trade
Ministers’ meeting of ASEAN in Bangkok.
Fears about an influx of foreign goods driving
domestic players out of business are unfounded if
India’s experience with cheap Chinese imports is
anything to go by. After decades of protection
from trade prevented growth, liberalization made
many Indian businesses globally competitive. Yet
New Delhi succumbs to pressure from the powerful
domestic lobby and deprives consumers from
enjoying cheaper goods. It continues to insist that
coddling India’s farmers is the route out of poverty,
as it constrains property rights and the freedom to
trade even inside India.
What clinched the agreement in the Cabinet was
Dr Baladas Ghoshal
Distinguished Fellow, IPCS, New Delhi
IPCS ISSUE BRIEF
NO 114
the powerful argument that if India were to pull
out of negotiations on the FTA with ASEAN it would
suffer diplomatic embarrassment and a huge loss
of face and would drive ASEAN into a tighter
strategic clinch with China on the rebound.
Coming soon after the fiasco over the Indo-Pak
joint statement, which received flak both from a
belligerent opposition and a significant section of
his own Congress party, failure to get it through
would have been seen as a major blow to Singh’s
authority. It would also have impacted on India’s
credibility as a major player on the emerging
political, economic and strategic scene in the
Asia-Pacific region.
Signing of the FTA has signalled India’s continuing
commitment to economic integration and
political cooperation with Southeast Asia. It is
geared to taking India’s engagement with ASEAN
to the next level from diplomatic manoeuvre
beyond its South Asian confines to the creation of
mutual synergies to pave the way for an Asian
Economic Community. “The FTA with ASEAN will
lead to closer economic integration, taking the
level of cooperation between both the sides
several notches higher,” to quote Biswajit Dhar,
director general, Research and Information
System for Developing Countries, an important
think-tank providing input to the policy-making
process of India’s Ministry of External Affairs.
II
IMPLICATIONS FOR INDIA
The FTA is as important for India as it is for the
ASEAN, especially when global trade has shrunk
and continues to shrink, and when a new
multilateral global trade pact under the Doha
round of talks is nowhere in sight. Exports to the
West from both India and the ASEAN have fallen.
ASEAN is already one of the world’s largest trade
blocs, and an FTA with India (next in importance
only to the ASEAN-China FTA, signed in 2007) will
expand the market further. India-ASEAN trade has
risen from around US$7 billion in 2000-01 to US$39
billion in 2007-08. With tariffs rationalized, it is
expected to rise even further to its target of US$50
billion by 2010. Moreover, it will open up the US$1.1
trillion ASEAN market for its exporters, reducing
their dependence on the West.
Sceptics, however, argue that India’s export
baskets are extremely small and that the fact that
they are often in competition with ASEAN’s larger
export baskets, means that opening up the
Southeast Asian market will be of little benefit to
India. However, the political dividends that the FTA
brings outweigh all other doubts. ASEAN, which
accounts for nearly 11 per cent of India’s exports
and 9 per cent of imports, has strategic
importance for the country. Moreover,
globalization is never a zero-sum game. Free trade
with ASEAN will be of great benefit to the
economy as a whole, particularly consumers.
Regional trade blocs such as this should be seen
as building blocks for global free trade. The India-
ASEAN trade bloc will be the fourth largest in the
world and falls in line with New Delhi’s ‘Look East’
policy.
The economic dividend is no less significant. Asia’s
globally recognized economic clout in the 21st
century would be reinforced if Asian nations did
business with each other on the basis of mutual
synergies. The interests of ASEAN are equally
served by engaging with an Asian counterweight
to China. Trade and investment, as well as
cooperation on global issues, have driven India’s
‘Look East’ initiative. In the short-term India does
not stand to gain much from the FTA
economically because of the already low tariff
levels maintained by ASEAN with respect to India.
Nonetheless, the gains for India have been
perceived more in terms of the contribution of the
FTA to regional consolidation and concomitant to
regional peace and security. Being part of an FTA
with ASEAN will also offer India greater bargaining
Fears about an influx of foreign goods driving
domestic players out of business are unfounded if
India’s experience with cheap Chinese imports is
anything to go by. After decades of protection
from trade prevented growth, liberalization made
many Indian businesses globally competitive.
INDIA, SOUTHEAST ASIA AND THE FTA PAGE 2
IPCS ISSUE BRIEF
power at multilateral negotiations by tying with
partner countries through regional commitments.
III
FTA: PROVISIONS & THE FUTURE
The present agreement covers only trade in
merchandise, and does not apply to services
which is India’s strong point, or even to the flow of
investments. The balance of merchandise trade
between India and the ASEAN region is tilted
towards the ASEAN. This is likely to remain
unchanged even after the expansion of mutual
trade, post-FTA. The imbalance can be corrected
only when services and investments are covered
with a fresh agreement pertaining to trade in
services just like the agreement on trade in goods
(TIG).
It is in India’s interest to
take this FTA to a
C o m p r e h e n s i v e
Economic Cooperation
Agreement (CECA),
with liberalization in
b a n k i n g , I T ,
telecommunications,
education, tourism and
cross border investment
agreements. India has
global competitiveness in service exports with a
share of 2.73% (ranked eighth) in world exports of
commercial services, while ASEAN is a net
importer. Possessing high expertise in services such
as IT, telecommunication services, professional
services, health-care and distribution, India can
tap the ASEAN markets and enhance
cooperation with ASEAN.
In the future, gains from the India-ASEAN FTA will
predominantly be in the areas of education,
movement of professionals, SME products,
business services and collaborations and the WTO.
India is likely to gain from an integrated
production network with ASEAN especially in the
automobile industry. India hopes to extend this
possibility to other industries and sectors as well. In
the area of infrastructure, India is collaborating
extensively with Myanmar to build roads and port
infrastructure. This would benefit India by providing
greater access to the ASEAN market along with
opening up opportunities for the northeast, an
otherwise landlocked region.
The protracted FTA negotiations between India
and the ASEAN have followed a chequered
c o u r s e .
Beginning in
2 0 0 3 a n d
s c h e d u l e d
originally to
conclude by
2005, the talks
broke down
several times.
India initially
i n c l uded a
rather long
negative list of
1,414 products which it wanted exempted from
the tariff cuts; it also resisted the sharp reduction in
tariffs on palm oil and its products demanded by
Indonesia and Malaysia, besides the rules for
value addition. These issues were ultimately
resolved, as were differences over fresh demands
put forth by the ASEAN. The FTA now provides
elimination of tariffs on 80% (about 4,000 items) of
traded products, both agricultural and industrial,
like consumer electronics, a range of farm
products, metals and chemicals, in a phased
manner by 2015. For about 10 per cent (500 items)
of additional products that have been placed on
the sensitive track, the tariffs will not be eliminated
but brought down to 5 per cent. India has 489
items, mostly farm products, on the negative list
which will not be subject to tariff cuts. The highlysensitive
list contains five key items – crude palm
oil, refined palm oil, coffee, tea and pepper.
NO 114 PAGE 3
Even though India’s trade and investment in the
region is quite insignificant compared to its share
in global trade and also in comparison with
China, their quantum leap and growth in the
last decade has been quite spectacular if one
looks at where it started.
SOUTHEAST ASIA RESEARCH PROGRAMME (SEARP)
TRADE WITHOUT TRADE
Duty to be
cut to
Share in total
products traded*
Duty cuts to be
achieved by**
Normal Products-1 0% 80% Dec 31, 2013
Normal Products-2 0% – Dec 31, 2016
Sensitive Products 5% 10% Dec 31, 2016
Highly Sensitive
Products
30%-45%
crude and
refined palm oil,
tea, coffee, pepper
Dec 31, 2019
* About 5,000 products. Nearly 10% will see no cuts
** After being postponed by a year
RECENT SEARP PUBLICATIONS
Smruti Pattanaik, ‘India, Bangladesh and
Southeast Asia: Connecting the Neighborhood’,
Issue Brief no #113, August 2009
Dr. Amita Batra, ‘India’s Northeast and Southeast
Asia: Strengthening an Integrated Economic
Space’, Issue Brief no #107, June 2009
Srikanth Kondapalli, ‘India’s Northeast and
Southeast Asia: Chinese Interests and Strategies’,
Issue Brief no #106, June 2009
Wasbir Hussain, ‘India’s Northeast: The Superhighway
to Southeast Asia?’, Issue Brief no #105,
June 2009
Bibhu Prasad Routray, ‘Linking India’s Northeast
and Southeast Asia: Security Implications’, Issue
Brief no #104, June 2009
Atom Sunil Singh & Jasmeet Kaur, ‘7th India-ASEAN
Summit: Opportunities and Challenges ‘, Issue Brief
no #96, March 2009
Harnit Kang, ‘Maritime Issues in South China Sea: A
Survey of Literature’, Special Report no #76, June
2009
Tuli Sinha, ‘India-ASEAN Free Trade Agreement: A
Survey of Literature’, Special Report no #75, June
2009
Mohit Anand, ‘India-ASEAN Relations: Analysing
Regional Implications’, Special Report no #72,
May 2009 .
.
The market access for palm oil proved to be a
major obstacle, especially for Indonesia and
Malaysia. India agreed to cut the tariff on crude
palm oil by 37.5 per cent and on refined palm oil
by 45 per cent. The import duties on the other four
were to be reduced to half. Both were to be
achieved by 2018. ASEAN members wanted the
first round of duty cuts to be implemented as and
when the deal was signed in 2009, followed by the
next round in January 2010. However, India
declined to undertake duty cuts twice in a period
of one year, and finally settled for only once in a
period of 12 months. The tariff cuts will be
announced in various blocks (see table) every
January.
An important aspect of India’s approach towards
the FTA is its inclusion of a shorter negative list of
goods than China, which obviously has superior
negotiating capabilities compared to India.
Negotiations on the Sino-ASEAN FTA have been
much smoother than the India-ASEAN FTA. China’s
approach towards an FTA with ASEAN includes an
emphasis on facing lower anti-dumping duties
whereas India is imposing greater anti-dumping
duties on ASEAN.
CONCLUSIONS
The main objective of India’s ‘Look East’ policy
toward Southeast Asia is economic integration
with the region. India’s success in this sphere is
quite significant, as the interactions that began in
the early 1990s with a sectoral dialogue
partnership with ASEAN and graduated to India’s
becoming part of the EAS, have resulted in
considerably greater integration with the rest of
Asia than is commonly realized or acknowledged.
Even though India’s trade and investment in the
region is quite insignificant compared to its share
in global trade and also in comparison with China,
their quantum leap and growth in the last decade
has been quite spectacular if one looks at where it
started. The India-ASEAN FTA is another step
forward toward further widening and deepening
that integration.
SOUTHEAST ASIA
RESEARCH PROGRAMME (SEARP)
INSTITUTE OF PEACE AND CONFLICT STUDIES
B-7/3, Safdarjung Enclave, New Delhi, India,
110029, Tel: 91-11-4100 1900
SEARP is supported by the SAEA Group,
Singapore
Southeast Asia in India’s post-Cold War Foreign Policy
By.
Mohammed Khalid
Department of Evening Studies
Panjab University, Chandigarh.
mdkhaliedchd@yahoo.com
Southeast Asia comprises of those continental margin and archipelagos of Asia which lie to the south of China, north of Australia, and east of India. Touched by the South Pacific Ocean on the east and the Indian Ocean to its south and west the region includes the countries of Brunei, East Timor (Timor–Leste), Indonesia, Kampuchea, Laos, Myanmar, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam. Southeast Asia has been an integral part of Indian consciousness throughout history. Its religions languages and culture are highly indebted to India. Trade relations between the western parts of Southeast Asia and eastern parts of India go back to the prehistoric period which continued in the earlier centuries. As the Colonial powers entered the Indian Ocean seventeenth century onward, India as well as the countries of Southeast Asia fell to this rising might. During the colonial period trade between the two regions declined as it was more dependent on the directions of the respective colonial powers. As the process of decolonization began post-World war II, efforts were again made to bring the two regions close.
Southeast Asia in India’s foreign policy
After the Second World War, India and the countries of Southeast Asia gained independence from a long and exploitative colonial rule. India felt the need to rebuild relations with these countries. Nehru’s interest in the region was visible when he organized Asian Relations Conference in March-April, 1947, “to bring together the leading men and women of Asia on a common platform to study the problems of common concern to the people of the continent, to focus attention on social, economic and cultural problems of the different countries of Asia, and to foster mutual contact and understanding.” Nehru offered to serve as a mediator during the French-Indochina War (1946-1954), and Korean War (June 1950 to July 1953). He expressed pride in Japan’
victory in the Russo-Japanese War of 1905 and opposed punishing Japan at the post- World War II Tokyo trials.1 India vehemently opposed Dutch action in Indonesia and did not allow the refueling of Dutch planes which were being used to quell the freedom movement there.2 The organization of Conference on Indonesia in New Delhi in 1949, taking interest in organizing the Bandung Conference in 1955 are only a few of many efforts India made to redevelop economic and political relations with the region as a whole.
However, all the efforts made by India to befriend the countries of Southeast Asia did not bring desired results. The countries of Southeast Asia did not show keenness to keep India on their foreign policy priority.3 They were more inclined to develop economic ties with Japan, and Korea. The presence of a large number of Chinese populations in many of these countries and its dominating presence also kept them diplomatically engaged with China.4 Philippines and Thailand became part of US sponsored military alliance called South East Asian Treaty Organization (SEATO) and part of Western alliance system. India’s Southeast Asia policy lost further momentum after the Sino-Indian border conflict of September 1962. Indo-Soviet Peace and Friendship Treaty of 1971 made these countries –especially Indonesia and Malaysia– skeptical of India’s commitment to the policy of non-alignment. The nuclear tests conducted by India in 1974, launching of a new Joint Service Command, based in Andaman and Nicobar Islands,5 and recognition of Vietnamese installed Kampuchean regime of Heng Samrin made India unpopular with the countries of Southeast Asia. So, during the Cold War period, India and Southeast Asia did not have preferential relations.
Factors responsible for a new shift towards Southeast Asia
Cold War neared its end with the opening of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 and subsequent German reunification. Russian support to the US-led UN alliance forces during the Gulf War (1990-1991) marked the end of Cold War.6 The qualitative and structural changes brought about by the end of the Cold War led to new orientations in the foreign policy of India and the countries of Southeast Asia. The Cold War period foreign policy preferences changed, the Western Military alliances came to an end and India and these countries gave a fresh thought to their role and preferences in the
changing world order. India started moving toward Southeast Asia to build strong economic, strategic and political ties, and on the other, Southeast Asian countries, leaving aside their past inhibitions, began moving closer to India. These moves between them can be seen in the context of numerous politico-strategic and economic realizations brought about by the end of the Cold War in international relations.
Change in India’s attitude can be attributed to many reasons. The open door policy adopted by China during 1980s had given it a quantum jump making it an emerging economic giant in Asia. In contrast; India still followed Fabian Socialist policies of Nehru era. China regarded this region as its natural sphere of influence and had started asserting political, economic and military influence there. Under the force of circumstances -domestic and international- India had also to liberalize its economy to compete with China and other international market forces in the region.7 At the time Cold War came to an end, India was going through the worst balance of payment crises in its independent history. In the absence of a strong political party governing the country it was facing frequent change of governments and these governments lacked vision and will to formulate long term policies. Rising inflation, government subsidies, high interest rates, and a concomitant decline in overseas remittances during the latter half of the 1980s had contributed to overall decline in India’s economy. There was a substantial rise in non-productive expenditure. For example, defence expenditure had risen from 15.9 percent in 1980-81 to 19 percent in 1990-91. Subsidies grew from 8.5 percent in 1980-81 to 11.4 percent in 1989-90.8 The percentage of trade in relation to Gross National Product (GNP) fell from 12.4 percent in 1984-85 to 11 percent in 1988-89. The rise in oil prices following the Gulf War of 1990-91 also caused a 21.9 percent rise in the import bill.9 These moves compelled India to open up to the world economy.
The economic ascendance of East Asia and China had made India to watch and emulate its Southeast Asian neighbours. Manmohan Singh, who became Finance Minister and the architect of the Indian Economic Reforms, had been Secretary General of the South Commission of the UN in Geneva from 1987 to 1990. He had often repeated that Korea and India had the same GDP per capita in the 1950s and that South Korean model of economic growth could be emulated. In September 1995, he declared, “the economic policies of India take into account the dynamism of this region (Asia-Pacific), which shall
soon be the tiger-economy of the world. We want to be participant in this process”.10 Gautam S. Kaji, one of the Managing Directors of the World Bank had also expressed in April 1995 that, “Certainly, the East Asian nations are still grappling with some of the same problems as India,albeit on a lesser scale. But they have demonstrated that with the right commitment, it is possible to move very far. With the same kind of commitment, I am convinced that there can be an “Indian Miracle”.11 India drew inspiration from the East Asian path of development and become more closely associated with this region in economic terms. This desire was officially expressed by Narsimha Rao, the Prime Minister of India in 1994 during his visit to Singapore. He said:
“The Asia Pacific could be the springboard for our leap into the global market place…I am happy to have had this opportunity to enunciate my belief in this vision of a new relationship between India and the Asia-Pacific from Singapore, which I consider the geographic and symbolic centre of the Asia-Pacific. I trust this vision will be realized… and that the next century will be a century of partnership for us all”.12
Under the unfolding new economic order India had less economic interests in the Middle East. Although India possesses business interests in that region and provides labour, and professionals to the Middle East, the relationship had been more of a dependence on the oil and remittances. Politics of Islam was exploited by Pakistan through the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) and tended to work against India’s interests. Moreover, geo-political instability and the lately emerging threat of terrorism also dissuaded India from undertaking worthwhile financial investments there. Southeast Asia was politically more stable than the Middle East and had a common stand and concern about the lethal and negative impact of growing terrorist networks, many of which had emanated from the Middle East. The economies of Southeast Asia –due to their rapid growth– were an attractive and better option for India.13 It was thus natural for India to have an alternative which Southeast Asia provided.
Strategically, also India had to devise a policy –called the Look east policy– to engage and create good relations with its immediate eastern neighbours. Growing proximity between China and Myanmar and concomitant support to the insurgent groups of India’s northeast;22 Chinese economic and military cooperation and use of some islands of Myanmar as a strategic observatory;14 possible basis for the activities of the
Northeast insurgent groups in Thailand and the Philippines; underground arms market of Cambodia which was becoming an important source of arms for the insurgent groups; compelled India to take care of its national security which could be threatened from the East. Chine’s gaining of economic and military foothold in Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka was another point of concern for India.15 Therefore it was absolutely necessary to seek the cooperation of governments of these countries in dealing with such threats.
India, being a trading nation could ill afford to tolerate unsafe Sea Lanes of Communications (SLOCs) around its shores. With the rise in trade and commerce, dependence on shipping overwhelmingly increased and it became essential to make maritime trade routes safe.16 India also needed to collectively tackle human smuggling, pollution, accidents, possible closure of choke points, territorial disputes, arms and narcotics trade and piracy in the high seas. As a matter of fact, contraband trade of arms and ammunitions from Cambodia and heroine from Thailand and illegal immigration from Bangladesh, Myanmar and Sri Lanka in Andaman and Nicobar have been major concerns for India. There were also apprehensions of the ISI and LTTE infiltration in sparsely inhabited islands of the Andaman and Nicobar for their illegal activities.17 This underlined the need for closer naval and military ties with the countries of Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and Singapore. Disappointing pace of regional integration through SAARC due to usually strained relations between India and Pakistan was another reason for India to look East. So, these concerns became the factors behind India’s foreign policy towards Southeast Asia after the Cold War.
Look East policy
India’s Post Cold War foreign policy towards Southeast Asia marked a strategic shift in India’s perspective. It coincided with the beginning of economic reforms and was seen as an opportunity to enlarge its economic engagement.18 It was also an effort to renew and revitalize the traditional linkages with the countries of Southeast Asia. Though, diplomatic and economic efforts were made by India to join ASEAN since 1987, but these countries expressed reservations due to India’s support to the Heng Samrin regime.19 Moreover, they were apprehensive that Pakistan would also follow suit and they may bring in their bilateral tensions which will have a destabilizing effect. Nonetheless,
they became convinced of the veracity of Indian economic reforms of 1991 and in 1992 granted India the status of “sectoral dialogue partner” for tourism, commerce, investments, and science and technology. The same year India formally launched the Look East policy.20 In the second half of 1992 Foreign Secretary was made direct in charge of Eastern region. In October 1995 Secretariat for Economic Affairs in the Ministry of External Affairs declared that ASEAN is at the heart of our reworked strategy. Due to continuous efforts India was given the status of a “full dialogue partner” of ASEAN in 1995.
From 1992 onwards, successive Indian Prime Ministers visited these countries regularly accompanied by large business delegations. In 1992 Narsimha Rao visited Indonesia and in 1993 to Singapore, Thailand, Malaysia, Vietnam and South Korea. Prime Minister again visited Singapore in 1994 and Malaysia in 1995. These visits provided many opportunities to interact with policy makers in the countries of Southeast Asia. India participated for the first time at the Post Ministerial Conference (PMC) of ASEAN in Jakarta in July 1996 and ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) which deliberates on the security and political concerns of the Asia Pacific.21 India tried after 1999 for a summit level relationship with ASEAN. At the 7th ASEAN Summit, held in November, 2001, at Darussalam (Brunei), the organization decided to upgrade its relations with India to Summit level, which culminated in the first ASEAN-India summit. Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the Prime Minister of India, explained the scope and substance of India’s emerging relationship
The first phase of the Look East Policy focused on developing commercial relations and institutional links with and in the second phase India aimed at political partnership, physical connectivity through road and rail links, free trade arrangements, and defence cooperation. During this phase India strived to build strategic partnership by holding joint naval exercises with Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and even Thailand, Myanmar, Philippines and Vietnam through joint naval exercises. Annual naval exercise ‘Milan’ symbolizes regular interaction and cooperation between the navies of India and Southeast Asian countries.22 India also signed MoUs on defence cooperation, provide training to MiG-29 fighter pilots, supply spare parts and service these air crafts.
This new shift in foreign policy was multi dimensional. Under the policy, India initiated measures to develop ASEAN level cooperation and individual relations with these countries. Two other measures in this regard include the Mekong-Ganga Cooperation Project and BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation).
The Mekong-Ganga Cooperation
Lying between the peninsular region of India and China Mekong basin countries include Myanmar, Thailand, Malaya Peninsula, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam. The shared histories and geographical contiguity with India accord a strategic value to this area. For India Mekong countries provide a strategic accessibility to reach the heartland of Asia-Pacific. These countries are relatively poor and underdeveloped than other countries of Southeast Asia. As Indian economy was registering better growth, its entrepreneurs had fairly good chances of profitable investment and economic cooperation there. For the fulfillment of this objective, India announced at the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting at Bangkok in July 2000 a new cooperative forum with five of its eastern neighbours –Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam- called as the Mekong- Ganga Cooperation (MGC) forum.23
The MGC aims at increasing cooperation in tourism, culture and education, transportation and communication. The six countries also undertook to develop transportation networks including the East-West Corridor project and the trans-Asian highway. This is India’s major cooperative venture in its Southeast Asian neighborhood after the end of Cold war which offers immense scope to create linkages with the Mekong countries by connecting them to the Indian Northeast. This organization also has the potential to provide counterbalance China in the region. By exploiting the historically driven natural connectivity, India has added powerful cultural dimension to its economic diplomacy by encouraging business contacts between the people residing on the banks of Mekong and Ganga. These over-land linkages have the potential to provide new opportunity to speed up economic development of India’s northeast. One of the projects called the Asian Highway Project under MGC is expected to link up Singapore with New Delhi via Kuala Lumpur (Malaysia), Ho Chin Minh City (formerly Saigon), Phnom Penh
(Cambodia), Bangkok (Thailand), Vientiane (Laos), Chiang Mai (Thailand), Yangon and Mandalay, Kalemyo (Myanmar), Tamu, Dhaka and Calcutta (India). India has already taken up the building of road linking Tamu (Manipur) to Kalemyo, a key communication junction in the center of Myanmar.24 This connectivity will prove fruitful in promoting border trade between India’s northeast with the adjoining Myanmar and the Mekong region countries. Mekong Ganga Cooperation Initiative has therefore become a pillar of India’s foreign policy towards Southeast Asia in recent years.
The BIST-EC to BIMSTEC, the Bay of Bengal Community
Another dimension of India’s foreign policy towards Southeast Asia was the creation of BIMSTEC –The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation. Historically, the communities and nations around Bay of Bengal had interacted and established multifarious strands of relationships. In tune with many other initiatives after the Cold War came to an end, a new sub-regional grouping was formed on June 6, 1997 in Bangkok called BIST-EC –Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka, and Thailand-Economic Cooperation. The main areas of cooperation identified included cooperation in trade, investment, industry, transportation, infrastructure, science and technology, human resources development, energy, fisheries, agriculture, natural resources, and tourism.25 To be part of this upcoming regional group, Myanmar was became its member on December 22, 1997. The name of the grouping was changed to BIMST-EC –Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Thailand-Economic Cooperation. Again this name was re-christened to be BIMSTEC i.e. The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation at the first Summit conference of the group held in Bangkok in July 2004. At the conclusion of the Summit while elaborating policy, objectives, and areas of cooperation its members, felt:26
“Convinced, that the geographical location of our countries and our rich natural and human resources provide a sound basis for mutually beneficial cooperation; Recognized, that the pluralist nature of our societies, our shared cultural heritage and the rich diversity of languages, arts, crafts and traditions provide ample opportunity for multi-dimensional cooperation within our region;
Resolved, to foster a sense of community that will lead to the economic and
social, development of the entire region.”
Agreed, to explore the expansion of BIMSTEC cooperation into the areas of
culture, education, public health, protection of biodiversity and traditiona
knowledge, rural community development, small and medium scale enterprise, construction, environment, information and communications technology, biotechnology, weather & climate research, natural disaster mitigation & management. Agreed, “to create a BIMSTEC free trade area, year-long Plan of Action on tourism, establishment of BIMSTEC Chamber of Commerce…”
The BIMSTEC has indirectly met the aspirations of some of the smaller countries of South Asia which have been clamouring for a large economic and political space in a world of rapid global integration. This can be seen another Indian effort to link itself with the heart of ASEAN through Myanmar and Thailand. As China and Pakistan do not belong to the Bay of Bengal Community, India is in a more comfortable position to play unchallenged leader of this formation. The BIMSTEC brings together 1.3 billion people comprising 21 percent of the world population, a combined GDP of 750 billion US dollars and has the potential of 43 to 59 billion dollar trade annually.
Relevance of new Southeast Asia policy
India’s foreign policy has undergone a sea change in the post-Cold War period. If India wants to keep the pace of its economic development intact it has to be alive to the changing economic world order and the process of Asian economic integration. India’s policy to look East is relevant to develop closer cooperation with Southeast Asia as well as the emerging Asia-Pacific economic hub. From security perspective, too the policy is quite important and relevant as it can take care of its strategic concerns such as free and secure sea lanes and security environment around its maritime borders. This is not possible without the active support and involvement of the countries of Southeast Asia. China, as an economic and military power is fast building bridges in India’s northeastern neighbourhood. Through this policy, India can counter China in these countries.
According to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, “Look East policy was a strategic shift in India’s vision of the world and India’s place in the evolving global economy.” Addressing the North East Council on 12 April 2005 in New Delhi, he again said that, “Full advantage may be taken of the Look East policy of the Government of India. ASEAN markets provide big opportunities for NER, particularly in areas such as promotion of horticulture, floriculture and medicinal herbs. Affinity in the cultural background will make our products acceptable and saleable once the land connectivity is
improved. Air connectivity could also be considered when the need arises. Potential Sectors in this regard are IT, tourism, mine & minerals, gas, oil, downstream industries, education and health services, etc. The NEC is in the best position to take a holistic view at the regional level and catalyzes the implementation of Government policies in liaison with the concerned Ministries”.27
Constraints and limitations
India’s objective to fully integrate itself in the ASEAN community has not brought desired results. There are certain constraints and limitations, within and beyond India’s reach. It may be due to the non-compatibility of their economies and varying perceptions about the unfolding post-Cold War world order. India currently has limited economic cooperation with Southeast Asia and has yet to become a significant market for East Asian economies. For instance, it accounted for less than 1% of Thailand’s and 2.5 percent of Singapore’s international trade in 2004.28 Countries of Southeast Asia perceive that India has yet to go a long way in opening up its economy. The bureaucratic mindset is slow in accepting the changing economic realities and is a hurdle of sorts to fully exploit India’s commitment to deal with East Asia. India’s economy is not as open as that of these countries. Insistence or expectation of Indian bureaucrats and other policy implementers for commercial reciprocity from ASEAN member countries can not become a reality unless India is well integrated into the global economy. For example, despite the rhetoric of India and Japan forming an “arc of freedom and prosperity,” bilateral engagement remains low. Japanese investment in India was approximately US$ 2 billion in 2006, far less than its $57 billion in China. Sino-Japanese trade was more than $207 billion in 2006, and Japan-India trade, was only $7 billion. India makes up only 0.67 percent of Taiwan’s total trade and Taiwanese investment in India totals $116 million as compared to over $100 billion in China. Similarly, China’s trade with Southeast Asia exceeded $160 billion in 2006, while India’s trade with the region is less than $30 billion.29
India could not find a place in the currently formed six-party –or the larger ten- party– framework on the North Korean nuclear issue. Indian energy companies like Oil & Natural Gas Company Videsh Ltd. and Gas Authority of India Limited have a 30
10
percent stake in Myanmar’s A1 and A3 blocks in the Shwe field in the Bay of Bengal but a proposed natural gas pipeline to India has been jeopardized by an agreement between Rangoon and PetroChina.30
To date, foreign direct investment from Southeast Asia has not played as significant a role in India’s economic development as it has in China. It is believed that India’s policy on FDI has been restrictive and tends to concentrate in the service and IT sectors, which are often less capital intensive than the manufacturing sector. India is still considered a protected market with higher tariff rates. India is a democratic country and has to deal with different kind of political systems prevalent in the countries of Southeast Asia. The differences in the systems of governance sometimes create hic-ups between the leadership of India and the countries of Southeast Asia. For Example, Continuous military rule in Myanmar and Thailand some times puts India in a tight spot as, should it prefer its national interest or support the pro-democracy movement there. The slow down is also as to the East Asian economies have yet not fully recovered from the economic crises of late 1990s and the economic recession of 2009. India’s build up of naval base in Andaman has become a subject of considerable concern and debate among the countries of Southeast Asia. Indonesia and Malaysia have particularly shown their concern about a naval base at Grand Nicobar. Malaysia has questioned the rationale behind India’s expansion, of Joint Service Command. Similarly, when India tested its nuclear weapons at Pokhran in 1998 there were strong reactions from the countries of the region. Such constraints have thwarted the integration process between India and these countries.
It is therefore to conclude that different measures India has taken to expand its relations with the countries of Southeast Asia have been significant and have born fruits but also suffer form certain constraints as well.
References:
1.
India
Rediscovering
East
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24
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http://www.pinr.com/report.php?ac=view_report&report_id=706&language_id=1
2. The Communiqué released by Press Information Bureau on 23 December said that in
view of the military action taken by the Dutch Government against the Republic of
Indonesia, the Government of India has decided to suspend the right of KLM in or across
11
India…No fuel will be issued to KLM aircrafts at Indian airports with affect from 1a.m.
(IST), 24 December 1948. Cited in Poplai, S. L: India 1947-50: External Affairs, OUP,
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3. Pattanayak, Satya R, “India as an Emerging Power”, India Quarterly, vol. LXIII, no. 1,
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4. Guihong, Zhang, “Sino-Indian Security Relations: Bilateral Issues, External Factors,
and Regional Implications”, South Asian Survey, vol. 12, no. 1, Jan-Jun 2005, p. 71.
5. Despite the strategic location of Andaman and Nicobar, India did not have adequate forces there till India-China war in 1962 and India-Pakistan War in 1965. After 1962 it decided to have a small naval base at Port Blair. In December 1976 it was upgraded and in 1977, the Commodore Andaman and Nicobar was re-designated as Fortress Commander. This post was upgraded to that of Rear Admiral in August 1981 and to Vice Admiral in March 1987. Meanwhile, the Army had made its small presence in the Islands in 1972 (after the 1971 Indo-Pak War) and the Air Force in 1984. In October 2001, Joint Service Command”, was launched headed by an officer from any of the three services. For more detail see, Nanada, Prakash, “Strategic Significance of the Andamans”,Indian
Defence Review, vol. 17, no. 3, July-September 2002, pp. 12-24.
6. Sikri, Rajiv, “ India’s Foreign Policy Priorities in the Coming Decade”, Institute of
Southeast Asian Studies, Working Paper No. 25, September 25, 2007. p. 1; Rusi, Alpo M:
Dangerous Peace: New Rivalry in World Politics, Westview Press, Boulder Colorado, 1997, pp. 11-34; and Vivekanadan, B: In Resrospect: Reflections on Select Issues in World Politics, Lancer’s Books, New Delhi, 2001, pp. 160-177.
7. Gupta, Pranay, “Rhetoric of Ideology or Job Creation?, The Straits Times, 23
September 2004.
8. Nanda Prakash, op. cit., pp 67-68.
9. Economic Survey 1990-91, Ministry of Finance, Government of India, New Delhi, 1991, p. 3; Chanchreek, K. L: The Gulf War: A Global Crisis, H. K. Publishers and Distributors, Delhi, 1991, pp. 171-186.
10. Sakhuja, Vijay, “Indian Ocean and the Safety of Sea Lines of Communication”,
Strategic Analysis, vol. XXV, no. 5, August 2001, pp. 689-702.
11. Address to a gathering of Indian Finances in Bombay, see, Kaji, G. S, “What East
Asia has Achieved, India too can Emulate”, The Times of India, April 13, 1995.
12. Cited in Rao, V. V. Bhanoji, “India and Southeast: New Partnership”, in, Prakash, S
(et. al.): India and ASEAN, Gyan Publishing House, New Delhi, 1996, p. 254
13. Kuan. Eric Koo Peng, “India’s Look East Policy: Analytical Perspectives from the
Political, Economic and Military Lenses”, October 19, 2005, see at
http://www.whatsindia.com/editorials/wis20051019indiaslooksestpolicy.htm.
12
14. The Chinese support to insurgents in the northeast came early in the 1960s and continued through the 1970s. It was in Yun’an that the Naga fighters were trained in arms and guerrilla tactics and they were also taught Maoism. With the Chinese support the Naga insurgency became stronger and more intense with better tactics and modern weapons. Apart from the Nagas, the Chinese also extended moral and material support to the Mizo and Meiti insurgents by arranging for their training in guerilla warfare in training centers of Yunan province and Lhasa. See, Sarin, V. I. K: India’s North-East in Flames, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1980, p. 105; Datta, Sreeradha, “Security of India’s Northeast: External linkages”, Strategic Analysis, vol. 24, no. 8, November 2000, pp. 1495 – 1516; Nardi, Dominic J, “Cross-Border Chaos: A Critique of India’s Attempts to Secure its Northeast Tribal Areas through Cooperation with Myanmar”, SAIS Review, vol. XCXVIII, no.1, Winter-Spring 2008, pp. 161-171.
15. Kumar, Ashwini, “Sino-Indian Relations: Issues and Irritants”, Punjab Journal of
Politics, vol. XXVII, no. 1, January 2003, p. 103.
16. About 95 per cent of India’s trade is by sea, and sea lanes are of vital importance to India for unimpeded flow of its merchandise trade. Presently, India’s trade interactions in the East may be lesser relative to those with the West, but is growing at a very rapid pace. The trade with China has increased from US$ 1 billion in 1998 to 13.6 billion in 2004 and reached about US$ 20 billion by 2007. Indo-ASEAN trade grew from US$ 7 billion in 1997 to US$ 13 billion in 2004 and further to be about US$ 30 billion by 2007. See, Kundu, Swati Lodh. “Asian Surge in India Trade”, Asia Times, 28 May, 2005; Kuppuswamy, C. S, “ASEAN Economy-Dominated by China? South Asia Analysis Group, Paper 1184, December 10, 2004.
17. Khurana, G.S, “Shaping Security in India’s Maritime East: Role of Andaman &
Nicobar”,Strategic Analysis, vol. 30, no. 1, Jan-Mar 2006, p. 171.
18. The economic reforms undertaken by India during the 1991-94 included: Devaluation of the rupee by 30 percent against the US dollar; raising the ceiling of foreign ownership to 51 per cent and higher in some instances, with partial repatriation of capital at market rates on a 60:40 basis; removal of restrictive controls on the import of most items and lowering the tariffs; abolition of internal licensing system in all but 18 industries; preparation for sale in principle of up to 49 per cent of the government’s share in state enterprises; floating of the rupee on trade account in 1993; reduction of excise duty; reform of the financial sectors; a substantial reduction in the rate company taxation in 1994. See, Gordon, Sandy: India’s Rise to Power in the Twentieth Century and Beyond, St. Martin Press, New York, 1995, p. 121; Mukherji, Rahul: India’s Economic Transition: The Politics of Reforms, OUP, New Delhi, 2007.
19. Grare, Frederic, “India and the ASEAN Regional Forum”, in Grare, Frederic and
Matoo, Amitabh (eds.): India and ASEAN: The Politics of India’s Look East Policy
, op.
cit., p. 125.
13
20. Grare and Mattoo,op. cit., p. 11; Ram, A. N, “India’s Look East Policy: A Perspective”, in, Kesavan, K.V (ed.): Building A Global Partnership: Fifty Years of Indo- Japanese Relations, Lancer Books, New Delhi, 2002, p. 8.
21. Thomas, A. M, op. cit., p. 301
22. MILAN is an institutionalized biennial event to engage the navies of the Southeast and South Asia in mutual cooperation at sea and in harbour. See Annual report 2006-07, Ministry of Defence, Government of India, New Delhi, 2006, p. 32; Jayant, V, “Indian Navy Planning Strategic Command for Far East”, The Hindu, December 26, 2000
23. Jayant, V, “The Mekong Ganga Initiative”, The Hindu, October 28, 2000; also see, Baruah, Amit, “Looking East”,Fr ontline, vol.17, Issue 24, Nov. 25-December 8, 2000, pp. 49-50.
24. India had upgraded the 160 km long Tamu-Kalewa-Kalemyo highway in 2001 and indented to maintain it for the next six years. There is an ongoing project for construction of a trilateral highway from Moreh in India to Mae Sot in Thailand to Bagan in Myanmar, the progress of which is being reviewed regularly by the foreign ministers of the three nations. See, Kuppuswamy, C. S, “India’s Look-East Policy: More Aggressive, Better Dividends”, South Asia Analysis Group, Paper No. 1663, 3 January, 2006.
25. Suryanarayan, V, “India’s Look East Policy”, World Focus, vol. 20, no. 10-11-12, Oct.-Dec. 1999, pp. 55-57; Rao, P.V, “India and Regional Cooperation: Multiple Strategies in an Elusive Region”, in Rao, P.V (ed.): Indian and Indian Ocean: In The Twilight of the Millennium, pp. 122-151.
26. “BIMST-EC Summit Declaration”, World Focus, vol. 25, no. 9, September 2004, p. 23; Bhasin, Avtar Singh (ed.): India’s Foreign Relations–Documents 2004, Geetika Publishers, New Delhi, 2005, p. 916; Morris, Peter, “Grouping to Check China’s Influence”, Asia Times Online, 11 February, 2004.
27. Prime Minister Manmohan singh’s Address to the North Eastern Council, New Delhi,
12th April, 2005. See at, http://pmindia.nic.in/speeches.htm.
28. Asian Development Bank Indicators 2005. See at
http://www.adb.org/Documents/Books/Key_Indicators/2005.
29. The Shanghai Times, 28 October, 2007.
30. Lundholam, Gideon, “Pipeline Politics: India and Myanmar, Power and Interest”,
News Report, 10 September 2007, see at http://www.pinr.com/reportt?ac=view_report
&report_id=679.
1
Southeast Asia
In the 1970s and 1980s, India’s close ties with the Soviet Union and its pro-Soviet, pro-Vietnamese policies toward Cambodia precluded development of any constructive relations between India on the one hand and the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN–see Glossary) on the other. Furthermore, India’s military buildup, particularly of its naval capabilities and naval installations in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, worried ASEAN policy makers, who saw India as a potential threat to regional security. Indian-ASEAN relations improved in the 1990s as the result of the end of the bipolar world system, the UN-brokered peace settlement in Cambodia, and the breakup of the Soviet Union. For its part, New Delhi sought to boost economic and trade ties with the region and to establish closer political and defense ties in order to counteract China’s growing influence in Southeast Asia. ASEAN countries grew less concerned with India’s regional ambitions after New Delhi’s decision to curtail its naval buildup because of financial restraints. In January 1992, ASEAN accepted India’s proposal to become a “sectoral dialogue partner” in the areas of trade, technical and labor development, technology, and tourism. India’s new role was expected to facilitate economic cooperation. In January 1993, India and Malaysia signed a memorandum of understanding on defense cooperation.
India has had close ties with Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam as a result of its 1954-73 chairmanship of the International Commissions of Control and Supervision established by the 1954 Geneva Accords on Indochina. These relations were enhanced by India’s friendship with the Soviet Union, particularly after 1971 and, in the case of Vietnam, shared perceptions of the threat from China. With regard to Cambodia, India recognized the Vietnamese-installed regime in 1980 and worked to avert censure of the regime in the annual UN General Assembly and triennial Nonaligned Movement summit meetings. In the late 1980s, Indian diplomats attempted to facilitate the search for peace in Cambodia, and India participated in the 1989 Paris Peace Conference on Cambodia and in subsequent efforts to find a solution to the Cambodian situation. New Delhi played a minor but nevertheless constructive role before and after the Agreement on a Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict and three other documents were signed in Paris on October 23, 1991. India contributed more than 1,700 civilian, military, and police personnel to the United Nations Advanced Mission in Cambodia and the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia.
Middle East
India has traditionally pursued a pro-Arab policy regarding the Arab-Israeli conflict in order to counteract Pakistani influence in the region and to secure access to Middle East petroleum resources. In the 1950s and early 1960s, this pro-Arab stance did not help India in establishing good relations with all Arab countries but may have served to keep peace with its own Muslim minority. India concentrated on developing a close relationship with Egypt on the strength of Nehru’s ties with Egyptian president Gamel Abdul Nasser. But the New Delhi-Cairo friendship was insufficient to counteract Arab sympathy for Pakistan in its dispute with India. Furthermore, Indian-Egyptian ties came at the expense of cultivating relations with such countries as Saudi Arabia and Jordan and thus limited India’s influence in the region.
In the late 1960s and in the 1970s, India successfully improved bilateral relations by developing mutually beneficial economic exchanges with a number of Islamic countries, particularly Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and the other Persian Gulf states. The strength of India’s economic ties enabled it to build strong relationships with Iran and Iraq, which helped India weather the displeasure of Islamic countries stemming from India’s war with Pakistan in 1971. Indian-Middle Eastern relations were further strengthened by New Delhi’s anti-Israeli stance in the Arab-Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973 and by Indian support for the fourfold oil price rise in 1973 by the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). Closer ties with Middle Eastern countries were dictated by India’s dependency on petroleum imports. Oil represented 8 percent of India’s total imports in 1971; 42 percent in 1981; and 28 percent in 1991. India purchased oil from Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Kuwait and, in return, provided engineering services, manufactured goods, and labor. The 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War forced India to shift its oil purchases from Iran and Iraq to Saudi Arabia and the Persian Gulf states. Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states also have received large numbers of Indian workers and manufactures and have become the regional base for Indian business operations.
Two events in 1978 and 1979–the installation of the Islamic regime under Ayatollah Sayyid Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini in Iran and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in support of the pro-Soviet Marxist regime in Kabul–complicated India’s relations with Middle East countries. From the Indian perspective, these two events and the Iran-Iraq War changed the balance of power in West Asia by weakening Iran as a regional power and a potential supporter of Pakistan, a situation favorable to India. At the same time, proxy superpower competition in Afghanistan strengthened the hand of India’s adversary Pakistan by virtue of the military support Pakistan received from the United States, China, and Arab states led by Saudi Arabia. In the 1980s, India performed a delicate diplomatic balancing act. New Delhi took a position of neutrality in the Iran-Iraq War, maintained warm ties with Baghdad, and built workable political and economic relations with Tehran despite misgivings about the foreign policy goals of the Khomeini regime. India managed to improve relations with Middle Eastern countries that provided support to the Afghan mujahideen and Pakistan by redirecting Indian petroleum purchases to Saudi Arabia and the Persian Gulf countries. New Delhi, which traditionally had had close relations with Kabul, condemned the Soviet invasion only in the most perfunctory manner and provided diplomatic, economic, and logistic support for the Marxist regime.
In the early 1990s, India stepped back from its staunch anti-Israeli stance and support for the Palestinian cause. Besides practical economic and security considerations in the post-Cold War world, domestic politics–especially those influenced by Hindu nationalists–played a role in this reversal. In December 1991, India voted with the UN majority to repeal the UN resolution equating Zionism with racism. In 1992, following the example of the Soviet Union and China, India established diplomatic relations with Israel.
During the 1990-91 Persian Gulf War, Indian policy makers were torn between adopting a traditional nonaligned policy sympathetic to Iraq or favoring the coalition of moderate Arab and Western countries that could benefit Indian security and economic interests. India initially adopted an ambivalent approach, condemning both the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the intrusion of external forces into the region. When the National Front government led by V.P. Singh was replaced by the Chandra Shekhar minority government in November 1990, the Indian response changed. Wary of incurring the displeasure of the United States and other Western nations on whom India depended to obtain assistance from the International Monetary Fund (IMF–see Glossary), New Delhi voted for the UN resolution authorizing the use of force to expel Iraqi troops from Kuwait and rejected Iraq’s linkage of the Kuwaiti and Palestinian problems. In January 1991, India also permitted United States military aircraft to refuel in Bombay. The refueling decision stirred such domestic controversy that the Chandra Shekhar government withdrew the refueling privileges in February 1991 to deflect the criticism of Rajiv Gandhi’s Congress (I), which argued that India’s nominal pro-United States tilt betrayed the country’s nonaligned principles.
Prime Minister Narasimha Rao’s September 1993 visit to Iran was hailed as “successful and useful” by the Indian media and seen as a vehicle for speeding up the improvement of bilateral relations. Key developments included discussions on the construction of a pipeline to supply Iranian natural gas to India and allowing India to develop transit facilities in Iran for Indian products destined for the landlocked Central Asian republics. India also sought to assuage its concerns over a possible Iranian-Central Asian republics nuclear nexus, which some saw as a potential and very serious threat to India should Pakistan also join in an Islamic nuclear front aimed at India and Israel. When Iranian president Hashemi Rafsanjani visited India in April 1995 to sign a major trade accord (the accord also was signed by the minister of foreign affairs of Turkmenistan) and five bilateral agreements, India-Iranian relations could be seen to be on the upswing.
Data as of September 1995
Nonaligned Movement
India played an important role in the multilateral movements of colonies and newly independent countries that developed into the Nonaligned Movement. The movement had its origins in the 1947 Asian Relations Meeting in New Delhi and the 1955 Asian-African Conference in Bandung, Indonesia. India also participated in the 1961 Belgrade Conference that officially established the Nonaligned Movement, but Nehru’s declining prestige limited his influence. In the 1960s and 1970s, New Delhi concentrated on internal problems and bilateral relations, yet retained membership in an increasingly factionalized and radicalized movement. During the contentious 1979 Havana summit, India worked with moderate nations to reject Cuban president Fidel Castro’s proposition that “socialism” (that is, the Soviet Union) was the “natural ally” of nonalignment.
Under Indira Gandhi in the early 1980s, India attempted to reassert its prominent role in the Nonaligned Movement by focusing on the relationship between disarmament and economic development. By appealing to the economic grievances of developing countries, Indira Gandhi and her successors exercised a moderating influence on the Nonaligned Movement, diverting it from some of the Cold War issues that marred the controversial 1979 Havana meeting. Although hosting the 1983 summit boosted Indian prestige within the movement, its close relations with the Soviet Union and its pro-Soviet positions on Afghanistan and Cambodia limited its influence.
The end of the Cold War left the Nonaligned Movement without its original raison d’être, and its membership became deeply divided over international disputes, strategy, and organization. During the 1992 Jakarta summit, India took a middle position between countries favoring confrontation with developed nations on international economic issues, such as Malaysia, and those that favored a more cooperative approach, such as Indonesia. Although New Delhi played a minor role compared with Kuala Lumpur and Jakarta on most issues facing the summit, India formulated the Nonaligned Movement position opposing developed countries’ linkage of foreign aid to human rights criteria.
India also is a founding member of the Group of Fifteen (see Glossary), a group of developing nations established at the ninth Nonaligned Movement summit in Belgrade in 1989 to facilitate dialogue with the industrialized countries. India played host to the fourth Group of Fifteen summit in March 1994. At the summit, Prime Minister Rao and other leaders expressed concern over new trade barriers being raised by the industrialized countries despite the conclusion of a new world trade agreement.
South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation
India is a member of SAARC, along with Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, and Maldives. SAARC, which slowly emerged out of the initiative of Bangladesh in 1980, was formally inaugurated in 1985. SAARC, which has a permanent secretariat in Kathmandu, is funded by voluntary contributions and operates on the principle of unanimity in decision making. Discussion of contentious bilateral issues is excluded from the SAARC charter at Indian insistence. Instead, SAARC programs exist in the areas of agriculture, rural development, transportation and telecommunications, meteorology, health and population control, postal services, science and technology, culture and sports, women in development, drug trafficking and abuse, and terrorism. By the mid-1990s, SAARC had yet to become an effective regional organization, largely because of mutual distrust between India and its neighbors. India’s lukewarm support for SAARC stems from the concern that its neighbors might coalesce against it to the detriment of Indian interests. The reluctance of India and other South Asian countries to turn SAARC into a forum for resolving major regional disputes hampers SAARC’s ability to deal with many of South Asia’s economic and political problems. Nonetheless, when SAARC’s eighth summit was held in New Delhi in May 1995, the conferees declared their nations’ commitment to eradicating poverty in South Asia by 2002.
* * *
There is an extensive English-language literature on India’s foreign relations. Indian government publications–the Ministry of External Affairs’s Annual Report and the monthly Foreign Affairs Record , and the Parliament’s Compendium of Policy Statements Made in the Parliament: External Affairs –are important official sources of information. The annual edition of Yearbook on India’s Foreign Policy contains a useful survey of foreign policy trends as well as articles on bilateral relations. The Economic and Political Weekly [Bombay] provides a nongovernmental point of view on a wide range of current issues. Asia Yearbook , published by the Far Eastern Economic Review in Hong Kong, also includes a review of India’s foreign relations for the previous year.
A large number of books and articles are published each year on specific subjects such as nonalignment, foreign aid, nuclear issues, and specific bilateral relations. The speeches and writings of Jawaharlal Nehru offer considerable insight into the rationale and direction of Indian foreign policy during the Cold War period. Norman D. Palmer’s The United States and India , Selig Harrison and Geoffrey Kemp’s India and America after the Cold War , Robert C. Horn’s Soviet-Indian Relations , and Peter J.S. Duncan’s The Soviet Union and India are good analytical studies of India’s relations with the superpowers. Comprehensive surveys of Indian foreign relations before the end of the Cold War are found in Charles Heimseth and Surjit Mansingh’s A Diplomatic History of Modern India for the period 1911-65, Mansingh’s India’s Search for Power: Indira Gandhi’s Foreign Policy, 1966-1982 , and Robert W. Bradnock’s India’s Foreign Policy since 1971 . Two books that deal with India’s foreign policy decision making and the domestic political structure underlying it are Jayant Bandyopadhyaya’s The Making of India’s Foreign Policy and Shashi Tharoor’s Reasons of State . Articles on the changes in India’s foreign policy and foreign relations since the end of the Cold War have appeared in the scholarly and periodical literature, of which Asian Survey and Far Eastern Economic Review are good sources. Annual editions of the Association for Asian Studies’ Bibliography of Asian Studies provide comprehensive retrospective source citations. (For further information and complete citations, see Bibliography.)
Data as of September 1995
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Chapter 2
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Chapter 4
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Glossary
All-India Muslim League (Muslim League)
Founded in 1906 in Dacca (Dhaka), in what then was the province of Eastern Bengal and Assam, by Muslim representatives from throughout India and Burma as a counterpoise to the Indian National Congress (q.v.).
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)
Founded in 1967 for the purpose of promoting regional stability, economic development, and cultural exchange. ASEAN’s membership includes Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. India is a “dialogue partner” along with Austria, Canada, China, Japan, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea (South Korea), Russia, and the United States.
Backward Classes
Citizens of India otherwise defined as members of Scheduled Castes (q.v.), Scheduled Tribes (q.v.), and other low-ranking and disadvantaged groups (sometimes referred to as Other Backward Classes). Discrimination against the Backward Classes is prohibited by Article 15 of the Indian constitution. The Backward Classes reportedly constitute an estimated 52 percent of India’s population. The Mandal Commission (q.v.) identified 3,743 Backward Classes.
Brahman(s)
From the Sanskrit brahmana, one of four major caste groups (varna) or social classes. Brahmans are the highest caste group, traditionally made up of priests, philosophers, scholars, and religious leaders. Not to be confused with brahman (q.v., the Absolute Reality).
brahman
The Absolute Reality, the eternal, supreme, or ultimate principle. A state of pure transcendence. In some Vedantic schools of Hindu thought, a Supreme Being who is the cause of the universe, with theistic attributes. Not to be confused with Brahman (q.v., the priestly caste group).
British Raj (1858-1947)
The period of direct rule of India by the British government. The period began with the demise of the Mughal Empire and of East India Company rule and ended with the achievement of independence by India and Pakistan. During this time, the British crown was represented in India by a viceroy.
Colombo Plan for Cooperative Economic and Social Development in Asia and the Pacific (Colombo Plan)
Founded in 1950 to coordinate and aid development among newly independent countries. Members include nations throughout the Asia-Pacific region. Donor countries include Australia, Britain, Canada, India, Japan, New Zealand, and the United States. The headquarters are in Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Congress
See Indian National Congress.
crore
A unit of measure equal to 10 million (or 100 lakh, q.v.).
Dalit(s)
Sanskrit word meaning burst, split, broken, crushed, or destroyed but, since the nineteenth century, often taken to mean downtrodden; used in reference to Untouchables (Harijans, q.v.), outcastes, Scheduled Castes (q.v.), and others living in a reduced social state.
Devanagari
Literally, “the script of the city of the gods.” Script used in the written forms of Hindi, Marathi, Nepali, Tibetan, Sanskrit, and in some forms of Konkani. In use in North India throughout the second millennium A.D.
dharma
A divinely ordained code of proper conduct.
fiscal year (FY)
April 1 to March 31. The fiscal year from April 1, 1995 through March 31, 1996, for example, is designated FY 1995.
Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)
A United Nations specialized agency established in 1945 to raise living standards and increase the availability of agricultural products.
gross domestic product (GDP)
A value measure of the flow of domestic goods and services produced by an economy over a period of time, such as a year. Only output values of goods for final consumption and intermediate production are assumed to be included in the final prices. GDP is sometimes aggregated and shown at market prices, meaning that indirect taxes and subsidies are included; when these indirect taxes and subsidies have been eliminated, the result is GDP at factor cost. The word gross indicates that deductions for depreciation of physical assets have not been made. See also gross national product.
gross national product (GNP)
Gross domestic product (q.v.) plus net income or loss stemming from transactions with foreign countries, including income received from abroad by residents and subtracting payments remitted abroad to nonresidents. GNP is the broadest measurement of the output of goods and services by an economy. It can be calculated at market prices, which include indirect taxes and subsidies. Because indirect taxes and subsidies are only transfer payments, GNP is often calculated at factor cost by removing indirect taxes and subsidies.
Group of Fifteen (G-15)
Group of Third World countries that participated in the Conference on International Economic Cooperation held in several sessions between December 1975 and June 1977. At the Ninth Nonaligned Movement Summit in Belgrade in May 1989, the G-15 was designated a “Summit Level Group of South-South Consultation and Cooperation” and charged with opening a dialogue with the industrialized nations, specifically the members of the Group of Seven (Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Britain, and the United States). G-15 summits were held in Kuala Lumpur (June 1990), Caracas (November 1991), Dakar (November 1992), and New Delhi (March 1994). The group includes Algeria, Argentina, Brazil, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Jamaica, Malaysia, Mexico, Nigeria, Peru, Senegal, Venezuela, Yugoslavia, and Zimbabwe.
guru
In the Sikh faith, one of ten spiritual leaders and teachers, the first of whom was Nanak Dev, the last being Gobind Singh. In Hinduism, a religious teacher or guide.
Harijans
Term introduced by Mahatma Gandhi for Untouchables. Literal meaning is children of God. Militant members of this group prefer to be called Dalit (q.v.) in self-recognition of their historical oppression.
imam(s)
In general use and lower-cased, imam means the leader of congregational prayers; as such it implies no ordination or special spiritual powers beyond sufficient education to carry out this function. Imam is also used figuratively by many Sunni (q.v.) Muslims to mean the leader of the Islamic community. Among Shia (q.v.) Muslims, the word is usually upper-cased and takes on many complex and controversial meanings; in general, however, it indicates that particular descendant of the House of Ali who is believed to have been God’s designated repository of the spiritual authority inherent in that line. The identity of this individual and the means of ascertaining his identity have been the major issues causing divisions among Shias.
Indian National Congress
Founded in 1885; before and after 1947, popularly called Congress or the Congress. A major force in the independence movement, the Congress has been dominant in Parliament and formed governments from 1947 to 1977, 1980 to 1985, and 1991 to 1996. In 1969 the Congress split, and the ruling party under Indira Gandhi became known as Congress (R)–R for Requisition–while the faction opposed to her was called Congress (O)–O for Organisation. In 1978 she renamed her party Congress (I)–I for Indira. There also have been Congress (S)–S for Socialist or Secular–and Congress (U)–for Urs, named after its founder Devanaj Urs–splinter groups.
International Monetary Fund (IMF)
Established along with the World Bank (q.v.) in 1945, the IMF is a specialized agency affiliated with the United Nations and is responsible for stabilizing international exchange rates and payments. The main business of the IMF is the provision of loans to its members (including industrialized and developing countries) when they experience balance of payments difficulties. These loans frequently carry conditions that require substantial internal economic adjustments by the recipients, most of which are developing countries.
jati
Literally, birth group. Basic endogamous unit of the caste system. There are approximately 3,000 jatis in contemporary society. The word jati is also sometimes used for ethnic, religious, or linguistic groups.
karma
Literally, action. Spiritual merit or demerit that a being acquired in a previous incarnation and is acquiring in present existence.
lakh
A unit of measure equal to 100,000. Also see crore (q.v.).
Mandal Commission
A government-appointed commission, officially the Second Backwards Classes Commission, chaired by former member of Parliament Bindhyeshwari Prasad Mandal from December 1978 to December 1980. Of the five members, four were from Backward Classes (q.v.) and one was from a Scheduled Caste (q.v.). The commission’s controversial December 1980 report (the Mandal Commission Report of the Backward Classes Commission) called for reserving 27 percent of all services and public-sector undertakings under the central government and 27 percent of all admissions to institutions of higher education (except in states that have reserved higher percentages) for Backward Class members and Dalits (q.v.). In August 1990, Prime Minister Vishwanath Pratap Singh announced his support for the radical affirmative-action 1980 proposals. The First Backward Classes Commission existed from January 1950 to March 1955.
Muslim League
See All-India Muslim League.
Nonaligned Movement
Established in September 1961 with the aim of promoting the concept of political and military nonalignment (q.v.) apart from the traditional East and West blocs. India was among the original members. The Nonaligned Movement in 1995 included 107 members plus the Palestine Liberation Organization, twenty-one observer nations and organizations, and twenty-one “guest” nations.
nonalignment
The ideological basis of Indian foreign policy, first articulated by Jawaharlal Nehru: refusal to align India with any bloc or alliance, peaceful settlement of international disputes, the Panch Shila (q.v.), anticolonialism, antiracism, and international cooperation to promote economic development.
Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC)
Established on September 14, 1960, with the aim of coordinating the members’ petroleum policies and prices. Members include Algeria, Gabon, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Nigeria, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, and Venezuela.
Panch Shila
Literally, five principles of foreign policy: mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty, mutual nonaggression, mutual noninterference in internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. The Panch Shila were enunciated by Jawaharlal Nehru in April 1954 in a trade agreement with China and adopted as a keystone of relations among nations at the Asian-African Conference (the Bandung Conference) held in Bandung, Indonesia, in 1955.
panchayat
A council of five or more. Found both in villages and in jatis (q.v.). Also refers to an administrative grouping of villages under constitutionally mandated elected councils.
pandit(s)
Honorific for erudite individual, sometimes taken as personal or family name. Various Brahmans (q.v.) (such as the family of Jawaharlal Nehru) were known as pandits. Sometimes transliterated as pundit.
Punjab
State in India (and a province in adjacent Pakistan). Term the Punjab usually refers to either the pre-1947 state of British India or the geographic region centered on the five major rivers, whence its name, panch ab, meaning five waters, or rivers.
rupee (Rp; Rs–plural)
Basic unit of currency consisting of 100 paise. From September 1949 to June 1966, the official value of the rupee was Rs4.76 per US$1. From June 1966 through mid-December 1971, the official value was Rs7.50 per US$1, and from mid-December 1971 to late June 1972, the value was Rs7.28 per US$1. Thereafter, the official value of the rupee as compared with the United States dollar began to fall, from Rs7.44 in 1971-72 to Rs 8.08 in 1979-80 to Rs12.24 in 1985-86 to Rs14.48 in 1988-89, Rs16.66 in 1989-90, Rs17.95 in 1990-91, Rs24.52 in 1991-92, and Rs26.41 in 1992-93. A dual exchange-rate system was established in March 1992, and, starting in March 1993, the exchange rate was reunified at the free-market rate. As of July 1996, US$1 was worth Rs35.67. Aluminum-magnesium, stainless steel, and cupro-nickel coins are minted at the Calcutta and Bombay mints for circulation in five, ten, twenty, twenty-five, and fifty paise and Rs1 and Rs2 denominations. Bank notes issued by the Reserve Bank of India are issued in denominations of Rs1, Rs2, Rs5, Rs10, Rs20, Rs50, Rs100, and Rs500.
satyagraha
Method employed by Mahatma Gandhi and his followers to secure sociopolitical reform by nonviolent, passive resistance and noncooperation; the individual following the method is called a satyagrahi.
Scheduled Areas
Article 244 of the Indian constitution allows the government to compile a schedule (list) of areas of the country occupied by Scheduled Tribes (q.v.). The Sixth and Ninth Schedules of the constitution list the Scheduled Areas.
Scheduled Castes
Article 341 of the Indian constitution allows thegovernment to compile a schedule (list) of castes, races, or tribes or parts of groups within castes, races, or tribes that are economically and socially disadvantaged and are therefore entitled to protection and specified benefits under the constitution. Untouchables, also known as Harijans (q.v.) or Dalits (q.v.), constitute the bulk of Scheduled Castes. See also Scheduled Tribes (q.v.). The 1991 census tabulated 138 million Scheduled Caste members throughout India, representing about 16 percent of the total population. The largest numbers were in Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, and Tamil Nadu. The schedule in the constitution does not list the Scheduled Castes by name.
Scheduled Languages
Article 351 of the Indian constitution allows the government to compile a schedule (list) of languages recognized by the government for use in state legislatures. The Eighth Schedule, written in 1950, lists Assamese, Bengali, Gujarati, Hindi, Kannada, Kashmiri, Malayalam, Marathi, Oriya, Punjabi, Sanskrit, Tamil, Telugu, and Urdu. Sindhi was added to the schedule in 1967, and Konkani, Manipuri, and Nepali were added in 1992. Article 343 of the constitution designates Hindi written in Devanagari (q.v.) as the official language of India. Even though it was supposed to be phased out by 1965, English continues as India’s other official language for use in Parliament, the Supreme Court, and the high courts unless otherwise authorized by the president.
Scheduled Tribes
Article 342 of the Indian constitution includes a schedule (list) of tribes or tribal communities that are economically and socially disadvantaged and are entitled to specified benefits. The tribes are listed in the Fifth Schedule. The 1991 census tabulated 67.8 million members of Scheduled Tribes throughout India, representing about 8 percent of the total population. The largest numbers are in Maharashtra, Orissa, and West Bengal. See also Scheduled Castes (q.v.).
Shia (from Shiat Ali, the Party of Ali)
A member of the smaller of the two great divisions of Islam. The Shia supported the claims of Ali and his line to presumptive right to the caliphate and leadership of the Muslim community, and on this issue they divided from the Sunnis (q.v.) in the major schism of Islam. Later schisms have produced further divisions among the Shia over the identity and number of imams (q.v.). Most Shia revere twelve Imams, the last of whom is believed to be hidden from view.
South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)
Comprises the seven nations of South Asia: Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka; founded as the South Asia Regional Cooperation (SARC) organization at a meeting of foreign ministers in New Delhi on August 1-2, 1983. A second organizational meeting of foreign ministers was held in Thimphu in May 1985, followed by the inaugural meeting of heads of state and government in Dhaka on December 7-8, 1985. SAARC’s goal is to effect economic, technical, and cultural cooperation and to provide a forum for discussions of South Asian political problems.
Sufi(s)
Comes from suf, the Arabic word for “wool.” The term derives from the practice of wearing a woolen robe, a sign of dedicating oneself to the mystical life, known in Islam as becoming a Sufi. Sufis seek mystical union with God and have been condemned by some Sunni (q.v.) legal schools.
Sunni
Comes from sunna, meaning “custom,” with connotations of orthodoxy. One of the two great divisions of Islam, the Sunnis supported the traditional method of election to the caliphate and accepted the Umayyad line. On this issue, they divided from the Shia (q.v.) belief in the first great schism within Islam.
swadeshi
Literally, of one’s own country. A preindependence movement to further the use of Indian-made items, particularly cottage-industry products, such as hand-loomed cloth, and to oppose British-made goods.
tribal
In addition to its use as an adjective–tribal land or tribal customs–the word is also used as a noun to describe a tribesperson, tribesman, or tribeswoman.
twice-born
Referring to jatis (q.v.) claiming membership in one of the three upper varnas (q.v.), that is, Brahman (q.v.), Kshatriya, and Vaishya. Male member’s natural birth is followed by a sprititual rebirth in a rite involving investiture with a sacred thread.
varna
Literally, color. One of the four large caste groups (Brahman (q.v.) Kshatriya, Vaishya, and Sudra) from which most jatis (q.v.) are believed to derive.
World Bank
Informal name used to designate a group of four affiliated international institutions: the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), the International Development Association (IDA), the International Finance Corporation (IFC), and the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA). The IBRD, established in 1945, has the primary purpose of providing loans at market-related rates of interest to developing countries at more advanced stages of development. The IDA, a legally separate loan fund but administered by the staff of the IBRD, was set up in 1960 to furnish credits to the poorest developing countries on much easier terms than those of conventional IBRD loans. The IFC, founded in 1956, supplements the activities of the IBRD through loans and assistance designed specifically to encourage the growth of productive private enterprises in the less-developed countries. The MIGA, founded in 1988, insures private foreign investment in developing countries against various noncommercial risks. The president and certain officers of the IBRD hold the same positions in the IFC. The four institutions are owned by the governments of the countries that subscribe their capital. To participate in the World Bank group, member states must first belong to the International Monetary Fund (q.v.).
zamindar(s)
Landlord, but particularly the group of landlords and the zamindar system that emerged after the British Permanent Settlement (Landlease) Act of 1793. In essence, the former revenue collectors of the Mughal period (1526-1858) became landlords under the British.
India’s Look East policy: A need to look beyond Singapore
August 19th, 2010
Author: Nitin Pai, Takshashila Institution
The Global Times, a newspaper owned by the People’s Daily, often acts as an unofficial mouthpiece for the Communist Party of China. Last month, it devoted an astonishing half of its editorials to threatening the US, South Korea, Vietnam and Southeast Asian countries in response to their perceived challenges to China in the Western Pacific. The strident criticism concluded with a thinly veiled threat: ‘China’s long-term strategic plan should never be taken as a weak stand. While [it] is clear that military clashes would bring bad results to all countries in the region involved, China will never waive its right to protect its core interest with military means.’
The editors of the Global Times do not speak for themselves. As Pallavi Aiyar, a foreign correspondent in Beijing for several years, says, ‘Foreign affairs and China’s international relations remains a subject controlled by the government and independent writings on the topic are forbidden…Writings on [such subjects] in Chinese media therefore almost always have official sanction even if they do not always reflect the government’s official position.’
Using state-controlled media to send signals to other countries is an old trick. In this case, it allows the Chinese government to make threats, yet claim to honour commitments under its 2002 agreement with ASEAN, where the parties pledged to ‘undertake to resolve territorial and jurisdictional disputes by peaceful means, without resorting to the threat or use of force, through friendly consultations and negotiations by sovereign states directly concerned.’
China has hardened its position on disputed maritime boundaries with Southeast Asian countries, just like it did in 2006 over its land boundaries with India. It is no surprise that China is working to settle the maritime boundaries dispute in the South China Sea through bilateral negotiations with each of the numerous claimants. In doing so, China not only ensures that it can prevail over its smaller, weaker neighbours one-by-one, but also undermines the claim that ASEAN is a geopolitical entity. Nevertheless, what really makes Beijing apoplectic is when the US takes ASEAN’s side, as it did last month, so as to check China’s dominance.,
But the US approach has some natural limitations. Acting on its own, an overstretched US cannot balance China everywhere. Even after recovering from the latest of its periodic bouts of declinism and self-doubt, it does not have the resources to check the expansion of Chinese power in theatres like East Asia, Afghanistan-Pakistan, Central Asia, the Middle East and Africa. Washington will be forced to prioritise where it will challenge China and where it will concede. Of these, East Asia presents the US with a conundrum: formal and informal alliance commitments require the US to stay in the region, where China is, relatively at its strongest. The sensible strategy of contesting where you are relatively strong and conceding where you are not, is not an option unless the US throws away its alliances with Japan, South Korea and Taiwan.
This is a serious problem because other regions continue to demand US attention. Even if the US relies less on Middle Eastern oil, the region is important because both China and its allies depend on it. It can’t easily abandon Israel either.
So where can the US retreat from? Africa, Central Asia or, most importantly from the Indian perspective, Afghanistan-Pakistan?
Beyond President Obama’s deadline for the beginning of a US military withdrawal from Afghanistan, it is possible the US may strategically exit the region, allowing China to take over. It might be the geopolitical equivalent of a poison pill strategy, but it means that India will have to contend with a China-Pakistan axis across its western, northern and eastern borders. India’s neighbourhood could turn hostile.
It makes sense for India to look East beyond Singapore, the psychological limit of its current Look East policy. India must be part of the security equilibrium in East Asia. Its strategic power projection will not be unwelcome in South East Asia. It will also enable the US to remain engaged in Afghanistan-Pakistan by freeing up resources that might otherwise be employed in the Western Pacific. Also, regardless of what the US does, an Indian strategic commitment in East Asia will strengthen its overall negotiation position with China.
During the middle years of this decade, the countries of the region were looking askance at New Delhi, wondering if it was prepared to balance China’s growing power. Unfortunately, successive cabinet ministers visiting the region repeated the cliché ‘that India didn’t believe in balancing’. The first preference of small countries that want to safeguard their independence is to encourage bigger powers to be in balance. Failing this, their second preference is to join the side they think will prevail. Since both the US and India appeared to be disinterested in the region, several South East Asian countries came to believe that they were better off jumping on the Chinese bandwagon.
Whatever the cause of China’s bullying, it has opened another window of opportunity for India to engage with the region. Pre-occupied as it is with the game in the north-western part of the subcontinent, it is unclear if New Delhi sufficiently realises that the seas east of Singapore hold the key to the lands west of the Indus.
India must vastly increase its economic, diplomatic and military presence in and beyond Southeast Asia. Doing so might cause the Global Times to fire some editorial salvos in India’s direction too.
Nitin Pai is founder and fellow for geopolitics at the Takshashila Institution and editor of Pragati – The Indian National Interest Review, a publication on strategic affairs, public policy and governance. He also blogs at The Acorn and is active on Twitter.
India ‘Looks East’ as history
July 17th, 2010
Author: Sandy Gordon, ANU
India’s Look East policy was initiated out of failure: the failure of India’s Cold War strategy of ‘playing both ends against the middle’ while at the same time attempting to adopt a pro-Soviet ‘tilt’; and the failure of India’s command economy, which by 1990 had managed to command only 0.4 per cent of world trade – insufficient to cushion India from the 1989-90 oil shock. While the collapse of the Soviet Union was no fault of India, it left New Delhi searching for an alternative set of economic and strategic approaches. The ‘Look East’ policy seemed to fit both needs.
India, however, initially had a hard job to claw its way back into those parts of Asia to its east. ASEAN itself was borne out of concern about an encroaching communist bloc and tempered in the fires of the Vietnam War. It viewed India’s still clunky economy and former Soviet bloc ‘tilt’ with suspicion.
India also took some time to learn Asian diplomatic mores. In 1994, in a major address in Singapore, Indian Prime Minister Narasimha Rao expressed surprise at the title of the speech he had been given – India’s ‘new’ relationship with Asia. Rao pointed out India’s influence in Asia was hardly ‘new’ – indeed Indian religion and culture lay at the heart of today’s South East Asia. True enough, but to miss the point from ASEAN’s perspective. The ASEANs were a bunch of hard-nosed pragmatists intent on getting on with the job – and the job was making money and development.
Of course, ASEAN was only part of India’s Look East policy. Vietnam and Burma had not yet jointed the Association. India had a friendship with the first and was already rivals with China over the second. And Japan was being eyed off as a source of technology and Direct Foreign Investment as early as the birth Sanjay Gandhi’s ‘Indian’ Maruti in 1981 – which was, of course nothing more than a semi-knock kit of a Suzuki.
But in Asia – and especially ASEAN – nothing succeeds like success. ASEAN only really sat up and took notice of India once the latter appeared (before the GFC) to be locked into 8-9 per cent growth, a pattern now seemingly to have resumed. India is now much more highly regarded in ASEAN than in the 1990s. It is part of the ARF, ASEM and the EAS. Not yet in APEC, it has good prospects there too. It has extensive defence dealings with Singapore, Australia and Japan and defence relationships with Malaysia, Indonesia and Vietnam.
Yet for all this recent success, the India-ASEAN Free Trade Association was extremely hard-won. India’s farmers were committing suicide at unprecedented levels over supposedly unbridled agricultural imports caused by globalisation. The FTA, when it finally emerged in 2009, was not only intensely criticised in India but also highly protective of Indian agriculture, especially edible oils. It took over six years to negotiate and will not be fully implemented for non-sensitive goods till 2016 (later for poorer countries, and India).
Moreover, ironically, at the very time India has gained significant traction in ASEAN and other East Asian forums, those venues are being overshadowed by larger, and some would say ominous, regional developments. ASEAN, ARF, ASEAN plus 3, the EAS and even APEC are no longer the only games in town – if they ever were.
Increasingly the debate has devolved onto the growing strategic, diplomatic and financial critical mass of China. Kevin Rudd saw this early on and tried to hone Asian security architecture to accommodate a rising China and provide it with a forum to be, if not first among equals, then equal among equals. The profound implication of this purpose was that all major powers should be part of that architecture, not least India.
Increasingly, however, it looks as if the horses have fled from this particular stable. Rudd lost interest in his Asian architecture in favour of the G20 –perhaps correctly in the context of the GFC – but nonetheless unfortunately. More importantly, the rise of China and to a lesser extent India has ‘gone around the edges’ of existing Asian architecture. Not that architecture is irrelevant in the debate about rising China, but rather that any architecture that might evolve is likely to provide a venue for other systems of power relations such as a ‘concert of powers’ or ‘power balancing’ rather than critically shaping those systems.
This de-emphasising of security architecture leaves us with a different kind of debate and, potentially, a different kind of role for India.
Initially at least, it looks as if China holds the key. How China chooses to rise to power in Asia will be the seminal factor in the future of Asian security. And further, how Sino-US relations unfold – especially in the Asian context – will be seminal to the process of how China rises.
India is definitely there in the equation but not till some way down the track. Meanwhile, it is the Sino-US relationship that will define the character of China’s rise more than any other single factor excepting, of course, the innate character of the Chinese polity.
So where does India fit?
The US knows it will lose power in Asia and even globally to China over the longer-term. Hence the ‘strategic’ quality of the India-US relationship, the fact that the Indo-US deal nuclear deal was intended above all to enable the US to provide strategic military assistance (read hi-tech weapons) to India, and that Washington remains unabashed that its intention is to build India over this century as a major strategic factor in Asia. Read for this, traditional power balancing against China.
At the moment India is especially weak vis à vis China. China can play virtually at will in India’s South Asian backyard . For all India’s economic success, the Chinese economy and its defence spending are still growing more rapidly. That is to say, a China that is already far more powerful than India is actually pulling away.
China’s great long-term enemy is, of course demography. Not only will India be larger by 2030 but more significantly, it will have a higher proportion of young people than China. But to take advantage, it needs to set in place labour and infrastructure policies to position it to become the new labour-intensive workshop of the world. And despite India’s long-term demographic advantage, China may well ‘do a Japan’ and use its enormous capital reserves to substitute for labour.
While Sino-US relations will initially hold the key, Sino-Indian relations will emerge as increasingly important as India gains in strength, increasing the prospect of an emerging ‘strategic triangle’ between China, the US and India. At present, the US and India each uses the other as a ‘hedge’ against a difficult rise for China in Asia. Thus what may one day become a ‘strategic triangle’ cannot yet be accorded that label.
Such a negative prospect depends both on how Sino-US and Sino-Indian relations develop. In terms of the Sino-Indian relationship, the most favourable term that could be used is ‘ambiguous’. On the negative side, China has changed its position in relation to the border issue – now resolutely sticking to its claim to Arunachal Pradesh, populated with 1.1 million Indians, located below the strategic barrier of the Himalayas and source of much of the water of Bangladesh and India’s north east. China is actively involved in the South Asian countries surrounding India, which is Beijing’s way of hedging against the possibility its vital energy SLOCs might one day come under pressure in time of high tension or conflict.
This is profoundly unsettling for India, whatever it may say publicly about blossoming people-to-people relations and trade – the positive side of the ledger. Anyway, trade is a double-edged sword for India, with India being heavily in deficit in the US $57 billion trade.
Seen in this light, there is a depressing prospect of a slide from the idea of a ‘concert of powers’ in Asia to traditional power balancing. Were this to occur (and virtually nobody, including the key players, would want it to happen), Dick Cheney’s ‘Quadrilateral’ could actually be revived as a strategic entity.
Certainly, New Delhi would rather India were part of a concert of powers in Asia. Although India will continue to get what it can from the US and Israel on hi-tech such as space, computation and anti-ballistic missile technologies, New Delhi believes India is too large ever to be any other country’s ally. India will also seek to have a range of relations with other large powers, including Russia, the EU, Japan and China. It avidly seeks to engage more successfully in resources competition in Central Asia, the Middle East and Africa.
But in either case – that of a concert of powers or of power balancing – it seems that The ‘Look East’ policy may retreat to a moment in history – a moment when a tentative India was feeling its way, a relationship on the rebound, as it were.
That is not to say, of course, that South East Asia will not remain extremely important to India in the strategic and to a lesser extent the economic spheres. In the strategic context, the two share interests and responsibilities in the North East Indian Ocean – a region beset by non-conventional security challenges. India has a growing role in the Andaman Sea and is expanding its naval capacities centred on Port Blair. ASEAN also has important responsibilities for security in the Straits of Malacca.
It is to say, rather, that South East Asia will be only one of many regions of importance to a rising, global power such as India.
Professor Sandy Gordon is with the Centre of Excellence in Policing and Security (CEPS), RegNet, Australian National University. He has worked both in government and as an academic and spent extended periods in India.
This paper was presented at a workshop titled ‘India Looks East’ hosted by the Australia India Institute and Institute of South Asian Studies, Singapore, at the University of Melbourne, on 4 July 2010. It was first posted online here at South Asia Masala.
As India ‘Looks East’, a little problem of economics
September 26th, 2010
Author: Evan A. Feigenbaum, CFR
As its profile in East Asia rises, India would do well to heed America’s recent experience in a changing Asia. Economics, not security, still defines the essential strategic reality of Asia today: China is fast becoming the central player in a new economic regionalism. The United States and India are each enhancing their political and security profiles—albeit for different reasons and in different ways. Yet both risk being left out as Asian economic integration tightens.
The United States has endured decades of loose talk about American ‘decline’ in Asia. But in the months since North Korea torpedoed a South Korean naval corvette in March, America’s security role has been strongly reinforced. Yet ironically, that’s part of the problem: Even as America’s security role remains the backbone of strategic stability, the economic pillars of US credibility are eroding across Asia.
This offers a bit of a cautionary tale to India.
As I wrote recently in India’s Business Standard, strategically, India has been bottled up in the subcontinent for generations, but it wasn’t always so: Southeast Asia bears the hallmarks of a bygone era in names like ‘Indonesia’ and ‘Indochina,’ and Indian sailors once plied the trade routes from the Indian Ocean to the strait of Malacca.
But as it again ‘looks East,’ India risks being left out in Asia because of the significant mismatch between its lofty strategic goals and more earthbound economic realities.
Make no mistake, India’s strategic connections to East Asia are being restored. Yet this is happening, in large part, because India is widely viewed as a potential — if still very modest — counterbalance to Chinese power. And diplomacy and politics remain the central drivers, not least, for example, in the invitation to India to become a more active player in East Asian regional groups.
But, at the end of the day, strategic intentions alone cannot sustain a larger role for India in Asia writ large. As America is rediscovering, economic content is essential. Greater economic content to India’s relations with East Asia will be required. And investment-related reforms will surely be essential, too, to enhance the flow of goods, capital, and opportunity.
Trade plays a growing role in the Indian economy, and India has signed preferential trade agreements with ASEAN and South Korea. Yet scale remains a handicap: 11.6 per cent of ASEAN’s trade is with China, just 2.5 percent with India. Meanwhile, the backbone of East Asian economies remains integrated supply and production chains to which India is largely irrelevant.
More manufacturing in India’s southern states could mean greater integration into East Asian supply and production chains, or not. Likewise with outbound investment from corporate India: It could, perhaps, transform India’s interactions with Southeast Asia; but, here too, scale remains a handicap.
The business of Asia is still business. And India and East Asia have some distance yet to travel.
Evan A. Feigenbaum is a Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.
This article was first published here by the Council on Foreign Relations’ Asia Unbound blog.
Can India match East Asia as a manufacturing powerhouse? – Weekly editorial
August 9th, 2010
Author: Shiro Armstrong and Peter Drysdale, ANU
The success of East Asian economies has been a story of openness to trade and investment that has allowed them to welcome foreign capital along with the know-how it brings, and specialize in production where they have a comparative advantage. Specialisation in industrial manufacturing has become finer as the trade in parts and components, along the production chain, can be produced wherever they can be produced for least cost and traded due to the low trade and communications costs and efficient logistics. Foreign investment has been an important driver of trade in East Asia and has been associated with the growth of efficient production networks.
Despite its ‘look East’ policy, India has not been able to join in these production networks. Its recent growth success has lifted hundreds of millions out of poverty but it lags behind East Asia in terms of integration into the regional as well as the global economy. India’s global trade growth has been too narrowly focused on particular parts of the service sector. It has failed to capture the benefits of the dynamism of Asian growth. This failure is often attributed to the difficulties with its South Asian neighbours, but trade with its neighbours in East Asia, vis a vis which it is competitive in low-skilled manufactures that will employ a large proportion of the population, is also well below potential.
India’s agriculture accounts for a little less than 20 per cent of its GDP but employs about 60 per cent of the Indian labour force. Manufacturing has held a steady share of output at around 16 to 17 per cent of GDP during the two decades of economic liberalisation. India’s specialisation in manufacturing has been in capital intensive and skill intensive industries, largely a consequence of policy intervention, in which it has not so far had any competitive edge.
In this week’s essay, Veeramani Choorikkadan explains that to move forward, India needs to learn from East Asian experience. It needs to remove the shackles on its industrial sector by freeing up access to foreign investors, and reforming its rigid labour and bankruptcy laws that inhibit both domestic and foreign investment in manufacturing.
‘India’s import substitution policy regime created a bias in favour of capital- and skill-intensive manufacturing, and the reforms have not been comprehensive enough to remove this bias. The grand idea of India building “self-sufficient industry” is meaningless in the current landscape of international commerce, where countries engage in trade by specializing at the level of distinct product lines and processes.’
It is important to create an environment that encourages entrepreneurs to search and identify opportunities in the vertically integrated global supply chains of various industries.
For India to become a manufacturing powerhouse, says Choorikkadan, India needs to open up to foreign direct investment, undertake serious labour market reforms, invest in physical infrastructure and get rid of regulatory and infrastructural impediments to integration into the Asian economy. That might be a development which also could carry the integration of the rest of South Asia into the regional and global economy along with India’s.
India and FDI – Weekly editorial
August 3rd, 2009
Author: Peter Drysdale
The Indian and Chinese economies have both been resilient and well-positioned in the face of the effects of the global financial crisis. An important driver of both China’s and India’s growth has been foreign direct investment (FDI) and the entrenchment of policy regimes that are open to FDI. Global FDI slumped sharply in 2008 and remains stagnant this year. India came later to reform and openness and its approach to welcoming foreign direct investment has been more cautious. The huge flows of FDI through the 1990s not only underpinned rapid export-oriented growth in China and other East Asian economies but also saw the development of highly integrated production networks throughout the region and East Asia’s rise as a major centre of global trade and economic activity. This trade shrunk sharply during the crisis, but provides the platform for a rebound. There is as yet no equivalent development of production networks in South Asia – partly a consequence of the political barriers to regional integration, partly a consequence of the earlier caution in the approach to opening up to foreign investment. As Geethanjali Nataraj’s lead piece this week makes clear, all this is changing very rapidly in India. India’s open strategy towards FDI is reaping its reward and FDI inflows have held up remarkably well through the early phases of the crisis as FDI inflows have grown considerably or held up against the global trend. The promise of further Indian foreign investment liberalisation is important not only to India but, if East Asian experience is any guide, to India’s effective integration into the Asian economy more broadly.
Burma, North Korea and the nuclear question
May 18th, 2010
Author: Andrew Selth, Griffith University
For the past ten years, Burma has been accused of trying to acquire a nuclear weapon. A number of developments during this period — notably Burma’s growing relationship with North Korea — have raised international concerns. Yet, to date, no hard evidence of such a plan has been produced.
Claims of a secret nuclear weapons program date back to 2000, when Burma’s military government announced that it was going to purchase a small research reactor from Russia. These accusations were repeated in 2003, when it was suggested by a respected news magazine that North Korea had taken over from Russia as the source of Burma’s nuclear technology. In the years that followed, the issue surfaced periodically on activist websites, but in August 2009 it attracted global attention when a story appeared in the Sydney Morning Herald (SMH) citing ANU Professor Des Ball and the Thai-based journalist Phil Thornton.
The SMH claimed that there were in fact two nuclear projects running in Burma. The first was the Russian research centre, which was to be operated under international safeguards. (Contrary to the SMH story, construction of this reactor has not yet begun). The second was said to be a secret project to build a reactor and associated nuclear fuel processing plants with North Korean help. According to the SMH, if all went according to plan Burma would have a nuclear weapon by 2014 and ‘a handful’ of such devices by 2020. The main sources for these claims were two Burmese ‘defectors’ and commercial imagery of suspect facilities in Burma.
Needless to say, such claims have been the subject of close scrutiny by the US and other governments. There have also been comprehensive studies of the issue by independent think tanks like the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London and the Institute for Science and International Security in Washington.
The US government has expressed its concern about the defence ties that appear to have developed between Burma and North Korea over the past decade. These links reportedly include the sale of conventional arms to Burma, North Korean help with the development of Burma’s defence infrastructure (including the construction of various underground facilities), assistance to Burma’s arms industries, and training in fields like air defence. In 2004, the US successfully blocked the sale of some North Korean short-range ballistic missiles to Burma.
The Obama Administration has also stated its wish to discuss a number of proliferation issues with Burma, including the possible transfer of nuclear technology from North Korea. Significantly, however, at no time has the US government stated that Burma is attempting to develop a nuclear weapon, with or without North Korean help. Indeed, despite considerable pressure from members of Congress, activists and journalists, Washington has refused to be drawn on the subject. Its position seems to reflect either a belief that Burma does not have a secret nuclear weapons program, or a lack of hard evidence to support such a claim.
This approach has been shared by other countries, including the UK and Australia, both of which have referred only to ‘unconfirmed’ reports of a secret nuclear program. For their part, the IISS and ISIS have both stated that there is insufficient evidence to support the claims made by journalists, activists and others. The IISS, for example, said in late 2009 that ‘[Burma] has no known capabilities that would lend themselves to a nuclear weapons program’. ISIS wrote this April that ‘Despite the public reports to the contrary, the military junta does not appear close to establishing a significant nuclear capability’.
Even so, both governments and think tanks remain suspicious of Burma’s intentions, and point to a number of factors which they believe warrant continuing close attention.
Of all Southeast Asian countries, Burma has the strongest strategic rationale for a nuclear weapons program. Since the abortive pro-democracy uprising in 1988, the military government has feared armed intervention by the US and its allies. The regime has also suffered from economic sanctions and other punitive measures. Burma’s generals envy North Korea’s ability to resist such pressures and still win concessions from the international community. They reportedly believe that this influence derives from Pyongyang’s possession of nuclear weapons.
In addition, Burma has for some years been working closely with two North Korean trading entities that have a record of proliferating sensitive nuclear and missile technologies. Also, Burma has imported a number of sophisticated machines and items of dual-use equipment from Europe and Japan that could conceivably be used in a nuclear program. The number of Burmese sent to Russia for nuclear-related training seems to be more than that required for a peaceful research program. Furthermore, some of the claims made by the ‘defectors’ are plausible.
None of these factors in themselves prove that Burma has embarked on a nuclear weapons program. There are other possible explanations for developments over the past decade. After the mistakes of the Iraq war, no government wants to rush to judgment, based on incomplete or unverified intelligence. Having been caught napping a few years ago, however, when it was discovered that Syria was building a reactor with North Korean help, the international community is now looking carefully for hard evidence of a secret Burmese nuclear program.
Andrew Selth is a Research Fellow at Griffith Asia Institute.
The North Korea nuclear crisis: Five guiding principles
July 14th, 2009
Author: Hitoshi Tanaka, JCIE
North Korea’s nuclear weapons program has posed a clear danger to peace and stability in East Asia for the past two decades. North Korea’s recent acts, including its July 2006 missile tests, October 2006 and May 2009 nuclear tests, and April 2009 ‘satellite launch,’ coupled with its insistence that it would never return to the Six-Party Talks, clearly demonstrate that circumstances have now devolved into a crisis.
How to solve the North Korean nuclear crisis? Five guiding principles
The current North Korea nuclear crisis is significantly more serious than that which occurred in 1994. Not only is North Korea’s nuclear program now far more advanced, its two nuclear tests represent clear violations of its past commitments to denuclearize. There is a narrow—and rapidly closing—window of opportunity in which the international community has a chance to prevent North Korea from becoming a nuclear state. Beyond the obvious harmful effect that a nuclear-armed North Korea would have on regional stability, the international community’s failure to stop its nuclear program would also deal a significant blow to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) regime and potentially encourage other states to follow North Korea’s example. The damage would be particularly pronounced in the wake of US President Barack Obama’s celebrated speech in Prague this past April in which he called for ‘a world without nuclear weapons.’
Furthermore, persistent media reports of Kim Jong-il’s health problems, as well as domestic political issues related to the transfer of power to Kim Jong-un, Kim Jong-il’s third son and rumored successor, have added an additional dimension to the threat posed by North Korea and significantly exacerbated long-existing concerns about regime stability. A transfer of power to a new leader could be a positive development and create an opportunity for a fundamental reversal in Pyongyang’s nuclear policy, or it could have a negative impact if the new regime seeks to consolidate support within the North Korean military through the pursuit of an even more hard-line and confrontational policy. The unfortunate reality is that it is simply too early to determine what impact regime change will have on the nuclear issue and whether it will result in changes in the manner of North Korea’s interactions with the international community.
Guiding Principles for Addressing the North Korea Nuclear Issue
North Korea must never be recognized as a nuclear state
The international community must not treat North Korea’s self-proclaimed status as a nuclear power as a fait accompli by recognizing Pyongyang as a nuclear state. Doing so would seriously undermine the credibility of the United Nations Security Council, the NPT, and the Six-Party Talks. Some observers have suggested that in the wake of North Korea’s first nuclear test in 2006, the focus of US policy has shifted away from denuclearization toward counter-proliferation. In other words, rather than aiming to end North Korea’s nuclear program once and for all, they argue that the United States is now merely seeking to prevent Pyongyang from selling nuclear technology to third parties. Any such perceived shift in US policy will inevitably give rise to debates in Japan about the credibility of US extended nuclear deterrence, a development that could potentially have a destabilizing effect on the security environment in East Asia. The Obama administration must continue to make unambiguous statements denying these rumors and unequivocally state to both Pyongyang and the international community that the United States will never recognize North Korea as a nuclear state. The joint statement released during the recent summit in Washington between President Obama and South Korean President Lee Myung-bak is a fine example of what is necessary.
Policy consistency among and within the five nations is essential
The absence of a united front and policy consistency among the five parties has created an environment of indecisiveness, allowing the North Korean regime to effectively exploit policy differences and play governments off one another to great effect. The five parties must learn from experience. The past six years have clearly demonstrated that disparate policies between different administrations within the United States, Japan, and South Korea and the lack of a policy consistency among the five nations have seriously weakened denuclearization efforts.
Henceforth, more extensive collaboration—as well as greater cohesion and consistency in policy—among the states involved will be absolutely essential. Faithful adherence to UN Security Council Resolutions 1518 and 1874 by the five parties—in particular China and Russia—will also be crucial. Tensions may deepen among the five nations as North Korea openly challenges the Security Council’s demands. However, it is imperative that the UN resolutions be implemented effectively, particularly as they concern interception of North Korean ships suspected of carrying banned weapons and technology. In the event of another North Korean provocation, the five nations will need to demonstrate a united front by holding a high-level five-party dialogue (to which North Korea would not be invited).
Contingency planning is imperative
Given that North Korea sees everything through the mirror of power and incessantly threatens military responses to various ‘acts of war’ allegedly committed against it by the international community, the five parties must always be prepared for the possibility of open conflict. It is imperative that trilateral contingency planning—not only concerning military tactics but also with regard to evacuating noncombatants and responding to a possible refugee crisis—be carried out in an earnest and discreet manner among Japan, the United States, and South Korea. During the 1994 nuclear crisis, efforts to engage in trilateral planning failed to get off the ground. Instead, discussions were held bilaterally between the United States and its alliance partners. This time, trilateral contingency planning, coupled with regular consultations with China and Russia concerning these plans, will be essential.
A comprehensive, negotiated settlement is the only practical way forward
In order to make a negotiated settlement possible, the five parties must demonstrate a willingness to present a united front and assertively counter any provocations by North Korea. At the same time, the five parties must also show that they are willing to reach a comprehensive settlement that will address North Korea’s concerns. In exchange for verifiable denuclearization and a clear commitment from North Korea to seriously reform the manner of its interactions with the outside world, the five parties must hold out a number of carrots, most importantly 1) normalization of relations between North Korea and the United States and Japan and 2) the establishment of a permanent peace regime on the Korean Peninsula.
The Six-Party process must continue with informal negotiations before the talks resume
It is unrealistic to expect that North Korea will abruptly decide to come back to the negotiating table and resume the Six-Party Talks. Rather, informal dialogue will be necessary in order to lay the groundwork for meaningful negotiations. To this end, when circumstances are appropriate for dialogue, the United States should engage in a series of bilateral talks with North Korea concerning its nuclear development and the process of normalizing bilateral diplomatic relations. Negotiations between North and South Korea must also be restarted. For its part, Japan needs to be prepared to negotiate toward diplomatic normalization based upon the 2002 Pyongyang Declaration. As far as the abductees issue is concerned, the two sides will have to establish a fair and verifiable process to determine the truth about those Japanese citizens still unaccounted for by Pyongyang. Parallel dialogue on these issues conducted under the umbrella of the Six-Party Talks is the only realistic way to achieve a comprehensive settlement.
In order to have any hope of success, these informal talks must be convened at a sufficiently high level with the full and complete backing of each nation’s top leadership.
North Korea’s recent actions represent egregious violations of its past commitments to abandon its nuclear weapons program and have raised doubts about whether its leaders have any intention of coming back to the table to negotiate in good faith. To ensure a soft landing, the five parties must adhere to the guiding principles delineated above as they go forward. Simply put, the international community cannot afford to fail in its dealings with North Korea and needs to adopt a well thought-out joint approach.
Hitoshi Tanaka is a senior fellow at Japan Centre for International Exchange. He previously served as Japan’s deputy minister for foreign affairs.
This article originally appeared as Vol. 4 No. 2 July 2009 East Asia Insight
Open letter to the home minister
Prakash Singh
August 24, 2010
First Published: 23:32 IST(24/8/2010)
Last Updated: 23:38 IST(24/8/2010)
15 Comments
Dear Shri Chidambaram, The nation owes you a debt of gratitude for having understood the gravity of the Maoist problem and devising a workable strategy to counter what the prime minister has repeatedly described as the greatest threat to the internal security of the country. The people of the
country had great expectations. However, it would appear that the strategy to combat the Maoist threat is not producing the desired results — at least certainly not at the pace or with the success people expected it to. Having studied this movement from its inception, I would take the liberty of analysing the reasons why the strategy is not working:
* There is no overall strategic plan involving the worst affected states. Every state is implementing the anti-Maoist campaign as per its own appreciation of the ground situation. It is a compartmentalised approach — not an integrated one.
* Tactically, the forces need to re-orient their operational plans. The Maoists are waging an irregular war. Our response to the threat has been traditional. An unconventional conflict requires an unconventional response. Placing battalions of paramilitary forces at the disposal of state governments may look impressive. But it alone won’t produce expected results.
* Territorial domination is essential, but it should not be the objective. The aim should be to Win the Hearts And Minds (WHAM) of the people. The security forces should be encouraged to undertake medical relief among the tribals, organise sports/games for the youth and similar civic actions to project a friendly image.
* The paramilitary forces that have been deployed against the Maoists have developed a defensive mindset. Leadership is essentially to be blamed for this. It is a great pity that officers with no flair for operations are commanding these formations.
* The discordant voices within the UPA government have contributed in no small measure to weaken the thrust against the Maoists. Mamata Banerjee has her own opinion on the subject. Digvijay Singh has been pontificating even though he, as a former chief minister of Madhya Pradesh, cannot get away from the responsibility for the maladministration in Bastar.
* Some chief ministers, particularly of Bihar, have refused to fall in line. There are sharp deviations in the approach to tackle the Maoist threat in different states. There is no orchestrated campaign.
* The bureaucracy is not contributing its bit. In situations like this, it finds it convenient to take the plea that it is a law and order problem, which has to be dealt with by the security forces. It must be held accountable for its performance or otherwise in the Maoist affected areas. If lack of development is a major factor contributing to anger and frustration among the poor people then bureaucracy, more than any other wing of the government, is responsible for the malaise.
* The police holds the key. We have seen that in Punjab, Andhra Pradesh and Tripura. Its capabilities must be substantially augmented in terms of manpower, resources, equipment and training. Police reforms, unfortunately, continue to be on the backburner. The Centre must put pressure on the states to implement the Supreme Court’s directions.
The government will have to crack the whip on corrupt elements sabotaging the implementation of ship schemes like the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGA), Forest Rights Act and other development projects. The cancer of corruption may upset not only the plan to combat the Maoists — it may, in fact, compromise the entire spectrum of internal and external security.
* You have taken too much on yourself. There are officers in the country who have distinguished themselves in
counter-insurgency operations. It may be a good idea to have an advisory board of such officers to assist the
home ministry. With regards,
Prakash Singh
The views expressed by the author are personal Former Director General
Border Security Force
16 comments
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Humbertoranieri 3 weeks ago
This former BSF chief says: “the aim should be to Win the Hearts And Minds (WHAM) of the people. The security forces should be encouraged to undertake medical relief among the tribals, organise sports/games for the youth and similar civic actions to project a friendly image”. Look, the basic problem is that inequality and poverty in India are so widespread and deep-rooted. That’s why the Maoists have surfaced. They’re expressing the anger of the masses. So what’s this about medical relief and sports to win hearts and minds?? What about BSF guys spoon feeding the babies? WHAM this smart man calls it – modern terminology, is it? The issue in India is who owns what, who earns what whose labor produces the wealth and who pockets the lion’s share of it.
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Subhash Chander Chabba 1 month ago
I agree with Mr Parkash Singh in the opinion expressed in the last para that we will have to crack a whip on the corrupt elements in case we have to contain Maoist insurgency. Terrorism is a direct product of disillusionment of poor masses with system of governance.Given their empty stomachs and no hope to be able to fight hunger and deprivation, poor people fall prey to the false hopes aroused by Maoists. I feel that good governance is the real solution to the crisis of any kind of insurgency in any part of the country.Injustice breeds contempt and lits a fire of revenge. We should attempt right solutions rather than prolong strifes
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Akhil1ek 1 month ago
i would like to divert a bit..but address the common issue from viewpoint:
i have tears in my eyes when i read or think about the
Hot-Springs,Ladakh sacrifice of CRPF jawans in 1959 and once again i
couldnt control myself. that was the first martyrdom by any uniformed
personnel of India against Communist China.
inspite of it being the primary internal security force of the
country,it doesnt have its own intelligence unit which is highly regrettable.
also like all paramilitary forces of the country it has a dual cadre
system,one from own
ranks of officers and other from the IPS,which obviously leads to the leadership
problems, results of which are not invisible.
i would request in the best interest of our great nation that all
CPMFs be merged into one Internal Security Force
and theirs must be a common recruitment and leadership
on the patterns of the armed forces which will make a permanent feeling of
bonding,brotherhood,loyalty and commitment in the cadres and no temptation
of 9-5 job and “lucrative” civil policing.
Russia has the pattern i am mentioning about. our very own army has
infantry,artillery,intelligence,paracommandos, sappers,air-defence,asc
etc etc but under one chain of command and leadership.
in the end ,of course, nothing can be better than political & civilian
solution for the nation’s multitude of problems: our democratic
leadership and bureaucracy
are the arbiter of it and i hope they are doing their best.
BJP as the leading party of the great nation of ours must take up this
issue otherwise
ad-hoc solutions to our security concerns will continue to plague us
like the problems themselves.
thanks and regards,
a concerned citizen
Dr Akhilesh Mishra
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frankly speaking 1 month ago
Being from Naxalite affected area i can tell you that the most important thing to combat it is
Make good all weather roads to the deepest area and maintain them 24×7
All things good and bad moves by road and believe me people prefer good things
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GOVIND_PD2003 2 months ago
THE VIEWS EXPRESSED BY MR PRAKASH DESERVE PROPER ATTENTION.BUT BASICALLY we must realise the malise affecting the nation;CORRUPTION. Some readers have pointed out that the average policeman is so corrupt thar it impossible to expect any reasonable due from him,in the difficult circumstances he is.THE REAlITY IS THAT TH AVERAGE GOVT. SERVANT COMING IN CONTACT WITH THE PUBLIC IS SO CORRUPT THAT THE AVARAGE CITIZEN IS LIKELY TO THINK IN TERMS OF VOILENCE TO DEAL WITH HIM.can you get a ration card,birth certificate,or any other paper moved without paying bribe?WHATEVER THE LAW MINSTER MAY COMMENT ON THE VIEWS OF THE EX-CVC,THE FACT IS THAT IT IS IMPOSSIBLE TO MEET A HONEST OFFICER AT ANY LEVELAND EVERYBODY DOES NOT HAVE THAT KIND OF MONEY FOR SIMPLE DAY TO DAY WORKS! i HAVE SEEN IN FARIDABAD HOW DESPERATE CONDITIONS ARE,SO MUCH SO THAT I HAVE STARTED THINKING OF MIGRATING TO DELHI.While the municipal corporation is a hot-bed of corruption,the electricity depptt. has a free reign to attack anybody with trumped up charges.I DON”T BELIEVE ANY AMOUNT OF FORCE CAN CONTROL NAXALISM,UNLESS THE GOVT. IS SINCERE;IT SHOULD FIRST APPROVE THE LOK PAL BILL AND CONTROL THE TOP.
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Bvsat 3 months ago
The home minister has read your open letter. He said he would take strictest action possible based on your recommendations. He wondered how someone didn’t tell him all this stuff earlier.
2 people liked this.
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santokhsinghsahi 3 months ago
It is really good to know that there are many enlightened citizens who care for peace, progress and prosperity.The intent of the letter is good, but not the addressee. It is the parliament and ultimately the people who has the authority and responsibility to change the law, empowering the union government to deal with law and order, which currently is with the states. Moreover India is a very vast country and union government can not and should not take over law and order exclusively in its own control. Make states accountable. Talk to the states. Take care of their concerns. Co-operate but not confront the states. High light the successes and the failures of the functioning of the states and the union govt. in an empartial manner for the people to judge. Ensure arrear free judicial institution, because injustice any where is threat to justice every where. With these comments, I endorse the views of author.
3 people liked this.
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ajay 3 months ago
Maoist work on the strategy of shock and awe. they do not take any prisoners. so let this be reciprocated and you will see this problem gone very quickly.
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lets do something 1 month ago in reply to ajay
well maoism has grown as a result of poverty,why cant the government (state or central) provide avenues for the people in the effected area to earn.Maoism or Naxalism is just like any other catastrophe only difference is , it is a human social catastrophe .The govenment can very curb it by providing government job to atleast one member of the families in the affected area.We in India talk about quota in diffrent institutions,these are the places which urgently require reservation,our help support and love.
Which human being doesnot like having a normal life,same applies to the maoist affected area.The private companies can also come forward assuring jobs,.In order to generate faith in the people towards the gov,they should be given half months advanced salary.I think this noble cause would make every tax payer feel proud of themselves.
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Amit_Purohit 3 months ago
I hope the arrogant ruling parties and its inept govenment and its ignorant functionaries like Manmohan Singh, Digvijay Singh, Mamata Banderjee etc etc will not read it as they know, it is 10 Janpath which gives them life and noone else.
Onyl sincere looking persons are Pranb Mukherjee and P Chidambaram, who are like eye sores in the eyes of above.
Mr P Chidambaram must look into the crux of the letter. He dosent require the ugly Italian face and accent to win any election.
Jai Hind
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Guest 3 months ago
sorry, just found out how to an abusive comment.
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Guest 3 months ago
why there is no option to report/ abusive comments here? HT must rectify this immediately so that nonsensical comments can be reported on by readers.
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Laghman afghani 3 months ago
This comment was ged for review.
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arien 3 months ago in reply to Laghman afghani
Please do take your medicines on time.
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Amit1965sharma 3 months ago
good article
A blinkered vision
Sagarika Ghose
May 11, 2010
First Published: 23:00 IST(11/5/2010)
Last Updated: 09:28 IST(12/5/2010)
35 Comments
The headlines scream almost every day: ‘Girl allegedly murdered because of inter-caste romance’, ‘Couple killed by relatives because of caste honour’. The matrimonials are unabashed: ‘Match sought for fair khatri girl’ or ‘Brahmin boy seeks Brahmin partner.’ A Delhi mother whispers that her
daughter’s choice of husband is not “our kind of person,” but stops short of admitting that the prospective groom is not from the same caste. Characters in Bollywood films bear surnames that are drawn from the very narrow social pool of Sharma, Mehta and Roy. Indians may be holidaying in Phuket, shopping at Mango and devouring Sex and the City. But one social reality just refuses to go away. And that reality is caste.
Should caste matter to a modern Indian? Of course it shouldn’t. Yet, whether we like it or not, caste is still a defining category. Excluding a narrow westernised elite band, Indians marry according to caste, socialise within similar castes, education is determined by caste and caste, by and large, corresponds to class when it comes to backwardness. Twenty years ago when then Prime Minister V.P. Singh implemented the Mandal recommendations reserving 27 per cent government jobs for Other Backward Classes (OBCs), many caste Hindus heard the word OBC for the first time. Today there are similar feelings of dread that the government has decided to include caste in the 2011 census. But it’s time that the elite and middle class came to terms with caste, debated it openly and exorcised caste demons.
When Parliament pushed for a caste census there was near panic about an impending caste war. It was argued that counting OBCs would only add further muscle power to the caste chieftains to once again lobby for that terrible ‘Q’ word: quotas. But will counting OBCs make caste loyalties deeper or will it, on the other hand, provide, for the first time, hard reliable information on how many OBC castes are there and what their numerical strength is? Confronted by real numbers, it may be more difficult for the quota warriors to argue for reservations. The Constitution makers aimed to progressively abolish caste discrimination, not abolish caste as an identity. Unless we all understand and study caste, we will never be able to fight it or develop a genuinely anti-caste mindset.
Political scientists Yogendra Yadav and Satish Deshpande say that a colonial caste-based census where all castes, including the Hindu ‘upper castes’ , are counted and ranked is neither feasible nor desirable. What we need is to count OBCs in the same manner as we count SCs and STs. We need to count Socially and Educationally Backward Classes (SEBCs) in order to get an accurate picture of their actual number. We are, thus, not counting all castes, but only backward communities. When reservations for OBCs have been provided for at the Union and state levels, surely a census is essential to find out what the hard numbers are and whether the quotas are accurate.
So how does caste operate nowadays? There is the robust argument that caste is irrelevant in contemporary India. What matters is quality health and education for all irrespective of caste. Increasingly, elections are showing that caste is no longer the sole criterion for voting preferences: voters are voting for bijli, sadak, pani, padhai and hardworking candidates and not for Gujjars, Reddys and Ezhavas. But while caste may be irrelevant for a minority, it is highly relevant — indeed saliently — for others.
When it comes to social and economic progress, certain castes have done better than others and the advantages of the English language and a modern education are distributed along caste lines. Generalisations are risky, and rural Brahmins can be impoverished and backward too. Yet, access to English and to quality education has traditionally been the monopoly of upper castes. Class and caste are still by and large coterminous, and there is every likelihood that an upper class person in India is also ‘upper
caste’ and a ‘lower class’ person is also ‘lower caste’. Secure amid our Krishnamurthys, Sens and Vermas, we never stop to think about how we got so secure in the first place.
The English-speaking elite is overwhelmingly ‘upper caste’ that is comprising the forward levels of the Hindu varna system. The Bengali ‘bhadralok’ class, or the genteel class, which was supposed to be the only non-caste class in India, is also a caste-based category, as the bhadralok are restricted to the upper caste even though they may not be exclusively Brahmin. A Bengali Dalit bhadralok is still unheard of. In 1996, when B.N. Uniyal undertook a survey of national newspapers, he found that among 686 journalists accredited to the government, 454 were upper caste, the remaining 232 did not carry their caste names and in a random sample of 47, not a single one was a Dalit. In a survey of matrimonial advertising carried out in 2000, ad agency McCann Erickson noted that caste remains as important in the new century as it was four decades ago. In 2002, Virginius Xaxa found that only six of Delhi University’s 311 professors are Dalits.
Thus, a caste census should not be seen as simply a political instrument designed to secure quotas. The fight against caste is best fought when we know the enemy. Caste is an immutable, invisible and overwhelming reality in our daily lives. If we continue to act as if caste does not exist, or deny its existence, we would be failing to do battle with one of the most urgent social inequalities of our time.
Sagarika Ghose is Senior Editor, CNN-IBN
ghosesagarika@gmail.com
The views expressed by the author are personal
35 comments
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Ram 3 months ago
Dear Ms.Sagarika
A tyoical eltitist view. Your piece dies nit taken into account the vast complexity of Indian demographics-How many of the downtrodden amongst the lower castes benefit unless they have Government jobs, are politicians, IAS officers, MPs or ministers?
How can youi claim to be modern when yo have such decadent views-The Mndal commission is based ion faulty and firged data/
if you are so keen why not divide into sweveral nations with each caste fighting for one up manship?
What is the modern idea of India’s founders and today’s caste ridden body politic? Are we not ashamed that instead of growth for entire poulation of have not numerically stronger and powerful castes of Ydavs and Karunanidhis who themselves run states like personal fiefdoms DIVIDING INDIA ONCE AGAIN? Why are you sadistic intellectuals again creating a DIVIDED INDIA BASE DON OBSOLETE CONCEPTS !!!!
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Ambikrishnan 3 months ago
Ms Ghose, you write ” In 1996, when B.N. Uniyal undertook a survey of national newspapers, he found that among 686 journalists accredited to the government, 454 were upper caste, the remaining 232 did not carry their caste names and in a random sample of 47, not a single one was a Dalit.” How many of the staff of CNN-IBN, of which you are in effect a spokeswoman are Dalits, and what were the results of any survey that might have been conducted at CNN-IBN on castes and religious groups or other distinguishing or divisive factors which might have worked, apart from pull from influential people of CNN-IBN at the top, from India and abroad, including mssionary stakeholders, in the matter of recruitment, and promotion, for a career at that business media channel ? And how do you design the sample or census survey (questionnaires) and interpret the data ? And, analogously, for cross-cultural nderstanding, what surveys of similar nature, to cover sects which number by the dozens, and nationalities, also numbering dozens, in the United States were conducted, and what were the results ? If differences (disparities, if you will) occur, between sects/ classes, among people who were recruited in some particular organisation of large size, it can be CNN, United States — what are your inferences ? Do you treat favoritism and nepotism as separate caste factors ?
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BmKrishnamurthy 3 months ago
“Secure amid our Krishnamurthys, Sens and Vermas, we never stop to think about how we got so secure in the first place” > Article writer, please observe more caution after learning enough abiout castes and names of individuals in them, and mind hyou, in Tamilnadu, it is virtually illegal to add surname or castename to one’s name, though this has in no way served to discourage “non-backward” people to stake claims to joining the bandwagon of “backwards” ! I am Krishnamurthy, no upper caste, but from an OBC, who decided not to go for reservation quota in anything.
1 person liked this.
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MbkEverywhere 3 months ago
Claims to an imaginary superior ‘caste’,(never mind his character and ability bearing or not, any semblance to what is required by tradition from a caste member) never speak louder than proven individual performance and imagination demonstrated in practical action and visible even to the blind, as it were, and not sullied by prejudiced assessment. But the true driver behind demands for caste-based census headcount being to use the nos. for refining communal vote banks does not have use for individual performance and farsighted vision of leadership. Indian productivity may well have nosedived due to barbers becoming washermen and the latter becoming …. elecronics experts, and so on, just because of push and pull, and not due to merits of specialisation acquired for executing jobs which until castes “abolition” became the slogan of politics,were eing looked for on the basis of castes due to hereditary training. India’s labour productivity is the lowest in the world, which is due to horrible political and social activist irresponsibilities due to misuse of their positions for selfish purposes in those trades. The cannot be improved to any honorable levels unless and until the alternative system brings about a total full stop to the meaningless talk of caste abolition (already ‘done’ legally) by a totally uncorrupt method of ascertaining individual aptitudes that are properly considered in individual choices of jobs and responsibilities. The present politics and social activism, due to the misuse of those forums for self projetions of some fraudsters, can never, never, never achieve removal of castes as it will only strengthen them for vote bank purposes, but weaken further the base for productive endeavour.
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Rasika and Ragini 3 months ago in reply to MbkEverywhere
“Indian productivity may well have nosedived due to barbers becoming washermen and the latter becoming …. elecronics experts, and so on, just because of push and pull, and not due to merits of specialisation acquired for executing jobs which until castes “abolition” became the slogan of politics,were eing looked for on the basis of castes due to hereditary training” . ABSOLUTELY TRUE. This is a very, very valuable contribution from reader MbkEverywhere, which is worthy of VERY VERY SERIOUS considertion by all responsible politicians and sociologists (if any!!!) , industrialists, businessmen, and every… indeed, citizen of india.
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castefreak 3 months ago
How do you eliminate caste ?
By not talking and prohibiting that word from our daily lives or by providing benefits one who reveals their caste on daily basis ?
1 person liked this.
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Paul Krist 4 months ago
Just note these two facts (a) Castes cannot be abolished unless it means manslaughter ! Law has abolished castes for purpose of public ‘services’ and admissions in schools, colleges and other purposes. Technology advances acting as the prime mover of many new outlets of employment have resulted in undreamt of additions to jobs. For this very reason, caste labels have been obsoleted and that is the best way of death of castes, which in fact do not enjoy religious sanction unlike Varnas, which grouped all innumerable occupations in the past into just four. But income and other social classifications, numbering many more than castes, have resulted from contemporary ideas of economy and politcal ideology of capitalism. Are we going to “erase” them, and if so, what is the strtegy and methods ? Let us not get into an endless tunnel of castes. (b) As Rasika…. has observed, communities will always exist and flourish with some common cultural bonds being developed and sustained. In a real sense, therefore castes will always continue in new definitions for “identity” of subgroups of society to avoid anonymity in a vast ocean of swarming mankind. The hereditary based castes are only being kept alive, ironically, the more vigorously as the politicians find it a great means of sustaing their vote banks. And of course the politicians will make monetary gains by taking a share from the bribes for the local tehsildars issuing caste certificates according to the former’s recommendations.
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Rasika and Radhika 4 months ago
Terrorists find terrific advocates to plead for them under Human rights violations, never mind the fundamental right of the number of victims to live and do so without gruesome wounds and suffering, which was trampled by the terrorists themsleves. But I wonder whether there are going to be at least a few Vakils to plead for fundamental rights of choice when members belonging to traditional communities, nowadays freely maligned with the term ‘castes’, want to make their own choices like grooms and brides of their choices, associations, customs and celebrations, as per their own communities’ traditions. Now that castes are made illegal as of any relevant consideration in educational admissions, jobs, etc., what is the big point of our pseudo intellectuals flogging the dead horse of castes, glibly forgetting that communities have to be ‘allowed’ no only by law, but also by ever member of society, the freedom to choose what they want, whether with, or without, reference to their caste, nay, community commonalities.
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Ambika 3 months ago in reply to Rasika and Radhika
PERFECT TRUTH AND AGREEABLE LOGIC. Kudos for your rare clarity of thinking and expression. Sagarika ghose should revise her article and republish her erroneous and poorly presented rants against castes and jobs.
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Syam 4 months ago
The author’s reasoning for a caste based census does not make sense. Caste in the personal life of an Indian is irrefutable. However, there should be cause for concern if caste is the driving factor in admission to schools, colleges or the job market. There should a strict governmental oversight to ensure caste does not play a role in such cases. There should be a strong forum for people affected for their grievance to be addressed where caste has been the basis for being denied equal rights and opportunities.
What ails India is the poverty. Latest report on poverty mentions that eight states in India have more poverty than the whole of the African continent combined. Poverty elevation should be the corner stone for a better India. However, poverty elevation on the basis of caste will only spell doom for a more egalitarian society.
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Ram 4 months ago
The author is not cogent in his articulation… He reels out statistics, which are are irrelevant to the topic he has chosen for discussion. On the whole waste of time!!!
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Ldbhatia59c 5 months ago
Caste no doubt is a reality but the question is; how long would it continue? It is true the government should
have the exact numbers of people belonging to various castes which are getting reservations but this does not
mean that we should not try to abolish this system which stands in the way of the development of India as a
modern nation. Education is the means by which this can be achieved. Our political leaders have develope
a vested interest in the caste system. That’s why they do not exhort the people of lower castes to send
their children to school. They never ask the teachers of government schools where sons and daughters of
the have-nots study to be devoted to their job and work with a missionary zeal to make their students
educated in the real sense of the word. Caste-based census would create more divisions in the Indian
society. The need of the hour is to make the Indian society a casteless society. We should not forget
that caste system does not exist in any country of the world.
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Friend of India 4 months ago in reply to Ldbhatia59c
You are absolutely right that Caste is a reality. All over the world. the four categories of caste exist in every society. Those who are intellectuals & disseminate knowledge are the Brahmins, in the western world called Teachers. Those who protect others & the borders are Kshatriyas known in the western world as Security Forces. Those who conduct business & trade and keep the economy moving are called Vaishyas or Businessmen. Those who provide service to others are called Shudras or Blue Collar workers in the western societies. Just because the diff words are used does not mean that the same categories don’t exist. Whether you call aqua in french, agua in spanish, paani/Jal in India, water is water. The problem is its misuse for personal benefit by greedy low-minded people who are spiritually juvenile.
Its also true that the discrimination by caste is illegal in India. The implementation of the laws is important. Educating the society about what Caste or Categories of Society really means is important. Those categories/Caste have been, are and will remaim in each and every society for as long as societies exist. Those societies that control its misuse and punish the Hitlers of the world are better societies. When an erudite Brahmin’s incompetent son claims brahmin status or a Joseph Kennedy’s decendents claim political superiority or a white supremeist burns a colored human, then the Caste becomes a menace to society.
I hope the above gives some food for thought to contemplate not only for you but also for the writer of this article who see only the incomplete truth & one side of the issue.
Enjoy the monsoon!
1 person liked this.
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Ldbhatia59c 4 months ago in reply to Friend of India
What you write is quite true as every society and country need different kinds of workers. But in other
countries there is meritocracy. What i had argued in my comment was that in India because of reserva-
tions on caste basis, vested interests have got themselves entrenched and they do not want to give up
their privileges. Why should those who,because of reservations, have reached the top of the ladder and
become IAS,IPS and IFS officers continue to enjooy the benefit of reservations? Why should their sons
and daughters not compete with others for selection to high posts? Besides, caste is a hindrance in
the development of nationalistic outlook among the people and it is nationalism that our country needs
most today.
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Abhishek Upadhyay 5 months ago
It is common knowledge that Caste Leaders will misuse the caste census data for their own benefit.Caste census will open a Pandora’s box.India has come a long way where mostly in cities and towns everyone eats in same restaurants and travels in public transport without caring for caste of people around them.
The Indian youth doesn’t care about caste, only time when they hear it most is during their examinations when they come to know the guy who was with them for so long was from so and so caste.
It is like choosing the lesser evil. Better caste and anything related to it is forgotten for all time.
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Sunil Kumar 6 months ago
Why doesn’t the government go for a give and take policy. He who avails the quota facility whether it be SC,ST or OBC he gives back to the nation in the form of higher taxes for a limited period of time. Say for example a person who gets a job through quota gives back 25~50% of his salary for 5~10 years to the government. If he dosen’t want to give to give in cash then his children and future generation should be upgarded from a lower caste. A word should be added to his surname which enables everybody to know that this particular person has aviailed the quota and his future geneartions will carry this new surname and not be getting this facility. This will help reduce rich lower caste people from taking undue advantage of the caste system. Why should a rich low caste person avail the quota facility while a poor beggar from upper caste is deprived of even one meal from the government.
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Singh 5 months ago in reply to Sunil Kumar
The jews shall wear a yellow star and the SCs shall use a hyphenated surname
e.g. “Sunil Kumar-availed-reservation-for-education-but-not-job-in-2010-progeny-entitled-to-job-reservation-reference-id-1010001001-MPAR-GOI-2010″
Right!
How was your comment relevant to the above news anyway?
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Singh 5 months ago in reply to Sunil Kumar
Thus spake the New Hitler!
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Ansal 6 months ago
We are the country of agents.Manmohan Singh an american agent.Sonia Gandhi a Pope agent.Kapil sibal of American institutes.Raj Thakrey,baba Ram Rahim,CEC Chawla,Hindustan Times , Most journalists n media,President Pratibha Patil are all Congress agents.
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Ansal 6 months ago
What can you expect from a journalist who is on Congress payroll? Hindustan Times is word’s most corrupt newspaper.It should change it’s name to “CONGRESS TIMES” or “SONIA GANDHI TIMES”.Shame on you people for disgracing once noble profession.You are helping Congress in dividing India in the name of caste.Congress n pope want to divide indian n rule.
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schadha 6 months ago
T”he argumentative Indian “was a book by Amarteya sen where the Indian propensity to constantly talk , debate , argue was highlighted We are the most loquacious community in the world and seem to revel and dig out issues for debates
Otherwise where was the need to dig out a issue which was debated and settled about 60 years back . Do we consider the stalwarts leaders of yesteryears as dimwits to have debated and settled the issue?Do we not have other pressing problems of more urgency requiring attention in our country ?
There is no issue i feel if caste is included in the counting if it is for stastical purposes but knowing our politicians they are likely to resort to political expediencies to suit their personal agenda and push the long term national interest in the back ground and opt for divisive politics as is their wont. The divisions in our society may be exaceberated by these self seeking manipulative politician . Todays world what matters is the division between the haves and have nots , the classes and the masses for the problems of the poor whether a impoverished high class Brahmin or a so called Dalit is the same .
Rapid urbanisation/ industrial changes is reducing the dominance of caste in India . In the confined space of a mumbai local where is caste feeling ?same in a modern factory or even in a metro where you are not aware of your next door neighbour . These things belong to a feudal society and with modernisation will go away , it will take its own time and be influenced by economics . Inteference by politicians will only make it linger more
We all know that anything done by politicians with a political angle has seldom produced good results in the country .Let sleeping issues lie and get on with more important matters
1 person liked this.
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srdarapuri 6 months ago
One of the major objection of opponennts of Caste Census is that it will give impetus to caste divisions and also perpetuate the system. In this context it will be quite apt to recall the observations made by Sir J.H.Hutton who was the Census Commissioner during 1931 Census. In Chapter XII, ‘Caste, Tribe and Race’ in the section titled ‘The Return of Caste’ he observed,” A certain amount of criticism has been directed at the Census for taking any note at all of caste. It has been alleged that the mere act of labeling persons as belonging to a caste tends to perpetuate the system. It is, however, difficult to see why the record of a fact that actually exists should lend to stabilize that existence. It is just as easy to argue and with at least as much truth, that it is impossible to get rid of any institution by ignoring its existence like a proverbial ostrich.” This observation madevIn this context it will be quite apt to recall the observations made by Sir J.H.Hutton who was the Census Commissioner during 1931 Census. In Chapter XII, ‘Caste, Tribe and Race’ in the section titled ‘The Return of Caste’ he observed,” A certain amount of criticism has been directed at the Census for taking any note at all of caste. It has been alleged that the mere act of labeling persons as belonging to a caste tends to perpetuate the system. It is, however, difficult to see why the record of a fact that actually exists should lend to stabilize that existence. It is just as easy to argue and with at least as much truth, that it is impossible to get rid of any institution by ignoring its existence like a proverbial ostrich.” This observation madeIn this context it will be quite apt to recall the observations made by Sir J.H.Hutton who was the Census Commissioner during 1931 Census. In Chapter XII, ‘Caste, Tribe and Race’ in the section titled ‘The Return of Caste’ he observed,” A certain amount of criticism has been directed at the Census for taking any note at all of caste. It has been alleged that the mere act of labeling persons as belonging to a caste tends to perpetuate the system. It is, however, difficult to see why the record of a fact that actually exists should lend to stabilize that existence. It is just as easy to argue and with at least as much truth, that it is impossible to get rid of any institution by ignoring its existence like a proverbial ostrich.” This observation madeIn this context it will be quite apt to recall the observations made by Sir J.H.Hutton who was the Census Commissioner during 1931 Census. In Chapter XII, ‘Caste, Tribe and Race’ in the section titled ‘The Return of Caste’ he observed,” A certain amount of criticism has been directed at the Census for taking any note at all of caste. It has been alleged that the mere act of labeling persons as belonging to a caste tends to perpetuate the system. It is, however, difficult to see why the record of a fact that actually exists should lend to stabilize that existence. It is just as easy to argue and with at least as much truth, that it is impossible to get rid of any institution by ignoring its existence like a proverbial ostrich.” This observation madeIn this context it will be quite apt to recall the observations made by Sir J.H.Hutton who was the Census Commissioner during 1931 Census. In Chapter XII, ‘Caste, Tribe and Race’ in the section titled ‘The Return of Caste’ he observed,” A certain amount of criticism has been directed at the Census for taking any note at all of caste. It has been alleged that the mere act of labeling persons as belonging to a caste tends to perpetuate the system. It is, however, difficult to see why the record of a fact that actually exists should lend to stabilize that existence. It is just as easy to argue and with at least as much truth, that it is impossible to get rid of any institution by ignoring its existence like a proverbial ostrich.” This observation madevIn this context it will be quite apt to recall the observations made by Sir J.H.Hutton who was the Census Commissioner during 1931 Census. In Chapter XII, ‘Caste, Tribe and Race’ in the section titled ‘The Return of Caste’ he observed,” A certain amount of criticism has been directed at the Census for taking any note at all of caste. It has been alleged that the mere act of labeling persons as belonging to a caste tends to perpetuate the system. It is, however, difficult to see why the record of a fact that actually exists should lend to stabilize that existence. It is just as easy to argue and with at least as much truth, that it is impossible to get rid of any institution by ignoring its existence like a proverbial ostrich.” This observation madeIn this context it will be quite apt to recall the observations made by Sir J.H.Hutton who was the Census Commissioner during 1931 Census. In Chapter XII, ‘Caste, Tribe and Race’ in the section titled ‘The Return of Caste’ he observed,” A certain amount of criticism has been directed at the Census for taking any note at all of caste. It has been alleged that the mere act of labeling persons as belonging to a caste tends to perpetuate the system. It is, however, difficult to see why the record of a fact that actually exists should lend to stabilize that existence. It is just as easy to argue and with at least as much truth, that it is impossible to get rid of any institution by ignoring its existence like a proverbial ostrich.” This observation madeIn this context it will be quite apt to recall the observations made by Sir J.H.Hutton who was the Census Commissioner during 1931 Census. In Chapter XII, ‘Caste, Tribe and Race’ in the section titled ‘The Return of Caste’ he observed,” A certain amount of criticism has been directed at the Census for taking any note at all of caste. It has been alleged that the mere act of labeling persons as belonging to a caste tends to perpetuate the system. It is, however, difficult to see why the record of a fact that actually exists should lend to stabilize that existence. It is just as easy to argue and with at least as much truth, that it is impossible to get rid of any institution by ignoring its existence like a proverbial ostrich.”
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srdarapuri 6 months ago
One of the major objections of those opposed to Caste Census is that it will give impetus to caste divisions and perpituate the system. In this context it will be quite apt to recall the observations made by Sir J.H.Hutton who was the Census Commissioner during 1931 Census. In Chapter XII, ‘Caste, Tribe and Race’ in the section titled ‘The Return of Caste’ he observed,” A certain amount of criticism has been directed at the Census for taking any note at all of caste. It has been alleged that the mere act of labeling persons as belonging to a caste tends to perpetuate the system. It is, however, difficult to see why the record of a fact that actually exists should lend to stabilize that existence. It is just as easy to argue and with at least as much truth, that it is impossible to get rid of any institution by ignoring its existence like a proverbial ostrich.” This observation made by Hutton holds good against the arguments put forth by the opponents of Caste Census.
In India caste is a reality which determines one’s status in life and also the opportunities for advancement in life. It also determines one’s social network and the area of matrimonial alliances also.
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V.K.CHAWLA 6 months ago
SO CALLED JOURNOS ; HALF BAKED PROGRESSIVE KNOWLEDGE ARE CREATING TROUBLE IN ALREADY TROUBLED COUNTRY , IN THE NAME OF CASTELESS SOCIETY . THEY ARE BECOMING MORE DANGEROUS THAN FEW OF POLITICAL LEADERS WHO ARE MINTING VOTES & NOTES IN THE NAME OF SO-CALLED BACKWARD CLASSES . SOME ARE GOING MALAWATI’s
2 people liked this.
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Voice of Reason 6 months ago
You all are forgetting what caste really means. It means character. It means profession.
A Brahmin is one who has achieved a higher level of spirituality and disseminates knowledge without desire for material returns. His/Her daily needs are provided for by the volunteer generosity of others. Not a right by birth! Modern example, teachers even though salaried.
A Kshatriya is one whose spiritual evolution is not as high as a Brahmin but high enough where he/she helps defend the Rights of society and protect the downtrodden and protect the Nation from external threats. Modern example, a security guard in a school. Again, not a right by birth!
A Vashya is one who is still evolving in spiritualty and manages trade and business to serve society. A modern example would be the secretarial/administrative staff in a school like a Principal of a school or a Bill Gates. Does not happen by birth but by profession!
A Shudra is one who has just started his/her journey of inner spirituality and specializes in “blue collar” jobs. A modern day example would be a Janitor or a cleaning crew in a school system. It also includes construction/repair workers. The society would come to a standstill without the important contribution of this caste. Again, this characterisation is not by birth but by actions.
The above is only an example. The important part is to teach the correct interpretation of caste which is designation of people in society by their functions, their actions by their behaviour by their character and definitely NOT by their birth! These four categories exist in almost all phases of life.
The reason caste system has become a drag on society is because of criminal elements of society wanting to preserve their parents and forefathers brahminic lives/actions in their own shudra like behaviours/characters. Wearing a thread around their chest does not make a person a brahman. That is simply a reminder to do good.
A society can not function without any of the above four characterizations. These exist in ANY society, western or eastern. Just because in western society they are given different names like Teachers, Armed Forces or Police, Managers & Business people and finally Blue Collar workers does not mean that these caste characterisations do not exist in such societies.
The correct way to include it in the census is to substitute the label “caste” with “profession/work”.
I hope the above helps to clarify a difficult topic and that we introspect on the good of our own ancient culture and weed out the degeneration of its practice over thousands of years.
3 people liked this.
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american 6 months ago in reply to Iqbal Singh, Srinagar
living in cloud cookie not real. caste is most profitable politics but indias death sentence slow sure destruction of india united ==slavery of foreign evil forces as last 2000 years.. Indias selfish selectively deaf blind votessellers are poliitcal prostitutes selling out to political pimps.. and indias journos like sagarika ghose are dishonest brokers singhing for personal poliitcal favours while indias jawans die daily to keep ungrateful indiasn free from evil terror forces which are controlled by HEADLEY CIA ISI RANA !!
2 people liked this.
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Iqbal Singh, Srinagar 6 months ago in reply to american
Simply becos you have lived in America does not mean you have evolved into a knowlegeable person who can understand our ancient culture.
The description of the caste system is very easy to understand as is its misuse by people like you in the society. If you would like to do your little bit to help the society, learn the intricacies of ancient Vedanta and then help educate the ignorant. You will find enlightenment of your small intellect.
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mbaprep 6 months ago
Journalists like Sagarika Ghose who want to fight discrimination from her armchair are the educated allies of our wily politicians. She cannot see that politicians are encouraging a case based society rather than achive a caste-less society. If educated journalists write such things, I suppose the fight is only left to the likes of Amitabh Bachchan, who has declared that his caste is Indian. This is truly a sad article by Sagarika!
2 people liked this.
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Anjana 6 months ago
I find “culture” – as we use the word in India – the scariest word. What the hell is culture anyway? And whose culture is it? Who decides? Where – geographically, historically or numerically – do you draw the line with regard to a belief, trend, practice? Who has the right to dictate what I eat, wear, who I marry?
We even have a Ministry of Culture? If the government wants to cut costs, we have to first get rid of these ridiculous and useless entities.
1 person liked this.
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american 6 months ago
SAGARIKA GROSSLY WRONG !! MOST INDIANS ARE LIBERATED MINDSETS.. SAGARIKA YOUR GROSSLY INAACURATE BLOG IS APPALLING DISGRACE..
2 people liked this.
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AMERICAN 6 months ago
SAGARIKA- SHAMELESSLY YOU ARE PLODDING CONGRESSUPA MAYAWATI PROPAGANDA AGAIN AND AGAIN AND AGAIN.. DISGRACE OF INDIAS SOLD OFF JORNOS POLITICAL SLAVES..
4 people liked this.
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Shashank 6 months ago
An interesting read, however, would like to bring in two points – 1. Not referring to caste or giving it importance is not necessarily modern India and 2. Upper ‘caste’ is not necessarily upper ‘class’ and if it does exist, the fault lies in the implementation process and the politicians.
Therefore, referring to caste is only believing in the age old systems, the building blocks of what India is today. India would not have achieved solely relying on modern beliefs. If I follow my cultural tradition, it does not make me non-modern and I would not like anyone to tell me how I need to behave with my family, friends and society. This however, does not take away the evils of implementation of the caste system like untouchability,etc, which should be condemned and eliminated; other than this I do not find anything objectionable in the caste system.
Also, upper class today have been predominantly with upper castes. If even after 60 years of independence, 20 years of reservation and 50 years of reserving parliamentary seats for SC/ST/OBC, upper castes should not be held responsible for the current state of affairs.
We can continue to provide reservations, uplift (presumably) in the next 100 years and then fight the next set of lower classes which will be the current upper castes or face a caste war.
I sometimes fail to realize, whether India can actually be a pat of the developed world. we are living ina fool’s paradise. Each time I feel proud of this great country, take pride in the rich cultural heritage, take pride in the peoples capabilities, and then we bluff ourselves as modern – if we dont mention caste, dont talk about religion, talk about equality.
1 person liked this.
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AMERICAN 6 months ago
CASTE POLITICS- SHAMELESS SONIA MMSINGH MAYAWATI FALSE DALITS FALSE OBCS FLASE JATS IN HARYANA- ==ALL FALSE INDIANS==FALSE INDIA SHINNING.==dark ages bigotry..
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JR 6 months ago
Caste based cenus or not, researvation based upon caste or not, most of Indians will remain poor unless we start paying serious attention to education, health, job security, and overall security to one and all Indians. This type of articles have appeared in the past and will keep appearing in future but will not bring any effect, because they are written by people who have never visited and stayed in a poor village of UP or Bihar.
2 people liked this.
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bkchowla 6 months ago
Where is this country heading towards?I fear the day when the next generation is not going to forgive us—100crore, spineless,cowards, incompetent fellows who watched while the country was being driven 50 yrs backwards.
What super power do we want to be?
2 people liked this.
Look East policy
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Political map showing India, China, and the Southeast Asian countries
India‘s “Look East” Policy, which was initiated in 1991, marked a strategic shift in India’s perspective of the world. It was developed and enacted during the government of Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao and rigorously pursued by the successive governments of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh. According to Sunanda K. Datta-Ray, the author of the only book-length study of this policy, Looking East to Look West: Lee Kuan Yew’s Mission India, Rao devised the policy as only the first stage of a strategy to foster economic and security cooperation with the United States. However Looking East became an end in itself, largely because of Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew.[1] This is in keeping with the philosophy of the Look East policy of India finding its destiny by linking itself more and more with its Asian partners to engage the rest of the world, and that India’s future and economic interests are best served by greater integration with East and Southeast Asia. Thence, Look East policy is an attempt to forge closer and deeper economic integration with its eastern neighbours as a part of the new realpolitik in evidence in India’s foreign policy, and the engagement with Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) is a part of the recognition on the part of India’s elite of the strategic and economic importance of the region to the country’s national interests.[2] As Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said, the Look East policy is not merely an external economic policy; it is also a strategic shift in India’s vision of the world and India’s place in the evolving global economy.
Background
Ever since the Sino-Indian War of 1962, China and India have been strategic competitors in South and East Asia. China has cultivated close commercial and military relations with India’s neighbour and rival Pakistan and competed for influence in Nepal and Bangladesh.[3] After Deng Xiaoping‘s rise to power in China in 1979, China began reducing threats of expansionsism and in turn cultivated extensive trade and economic relations with Asian nations. China became the closest partner and supporter of the military junta of Burma (also Union of Myanmar), which had been ostracised from the international community following the violent suppression of pro-democracy activities in 1988.[4][5]
India’s “Look East” policy was developed and enacted during the governments of Prime Ministers P.V. Narasimha Rao (1991 – 1996) and Atal Bihari Vajpayee (1998 – 2004). Along with economic liberalisation and moving away from Cold War-era policies and activities, India’s strategy has focused on forging close economic and commercial ties, increasing strategic and security cooperation and the emphasis of historic cultural and ideological links. India sought to create and expand regional markets for trade, investments and industrial development. It also began strategic and military cooperation with nations concerned by the expansion of China’s economic and strategic influence.
Relations with East Asian nations
Although it had traditionally supported Burma’s pro-democracy movement for many years, India’s policy changed in 1993, making friendly overtures to the military junta. India signed trade agreements and increased its investments in Burma; although private sector activity remains low, India’s state corporations have landed lucrative contracts for industrial projects and the construction of major roads and highways, pipelines and upgrading of ports.[6] India has also increased its competition with China over the harnessing of Burma’s significant oil and natural gas reserves, seeking to establish a major and stable source of energy for its growing domestic needs, countering Chinese monopoly over Burmese resources and reducing dependence on oil-rich Middle Eastern nations. Although China remains Burma’s largest military supplier, India has offered to train Burma’s military personnel and has sought their cooperation in curbing separatist militants and the heavy drug trafficking affecting much of Northeast India.[7] China’s winning of contracts harnessing more than 2.88-3.56 trillion cubits of natural gas in the A-1 Shwe field in the Rakhine State and development of naval and surveillance installations along Burma’s coast and the Coco Islands has provoked great concern and anxiety in India, which has stepped up its investment in port development, energy, transport and military sectors.[8][4]
India has also established strong commercial, cultural and military ties with the Philippines, Singapore, Vietnam and Cambodia. India signed free trade agreements with Sri Lanka and Thailand and stepped up its military cooperation with them as well. It has forged numerous free trade agreements with East Asian economies, including a Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement with Singapore and an Early Harvest Scheme with Thailand, while it is negotiating agreements with Japan, South Korea, and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member states. Ties have been strengthened with Taiwan, Japan and South Korea over common emphasis on democracy, human rights and strategic interests. South Korea and Japan remain amongst the major sources of foreign investment in India.
While India has remained a staunch supporter of the “One China” policy and recognised the People’s Republic of China on the mainland over the Republic of China authorities on Taiwan, it has, nevertheless, pursued a policy of increasing engagement with the island. India has stepped up engagement with East Asia fueled by its need for cooperation on counter-terrorism, humanitarian relief, anti-piracy, maritime and energy security, confidence-building and balancing the influence of other powers, notably China. Driven by the fact that more than 50% of India’s trade passes through the Malacca Strait, the Indian navy has established a Far Eastern Naval Command off Port Blair on the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. India has also been conducting joint naval exercises with Singapore (SIMBEX) since 1993, with Vietnam in 2000 and has engaged in joint patrols with Indonesia in the Andaman Sea since 2002. Japan and India were also members of the tsunami relief regional core group in the Indian Ocean in 2004 along with Australia and the United States.
Relations with China
While India and China remain strategic rivals, India’s “Look East” policy has included significant rapprochement with China. Since 1993, India began holding high-level talks with Chinese leaders and established Confidence-building measures. In 2006, China and India opened the Nathu La Pass for cross-border trade for the first time since the 1962 war.[9] On November 21, 2006 Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and the Chinese President Hu Jintao issued a 10-point joint declaration to improve ties and resolve long-standing conflicts.[10] Trade between China and India increases by 50% each year, and is set to reach the $60 billion target set for 2010 by both Indian and Chinese governments and industrial leaders.[11] However, China’s close relations with Pakistan and border disputes in Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh have threatened the improvement in bilateral relations.[12] India’s providing asylum to the political-cum-spiritual leader, the 14th Dalai Lama also causes some friction in bilateral ties.[13]
Chinese commentators have been critical of India’s Look East policy. A People’s Daily editorial opined that the Look East policy was “born out of [the] failure” of India’s trying to play the Soviet Union and the United States against each other for its own benefit during the Cold War, and that trying to do the same with China and Japan by strengthening its ties with the latter would also fail.[14] A columnist at the China Internet Information Center criticized the Look East policy as being borne out of a misguided “fear of China” and as reflecting “a lack of understanding of the PLA‘s strategic ambitions”.[15]
Participation in organisations
India has developed multilateral organisations such as the Mekong-Ganga Cooperation and BIMSTEC, forging extensive cooperation on environmental, economic development, security and strategic affairs, permitting the growth of influence beyond South Asia and without the tense and obstructive presence of Pakistan and China that has stalled its efforts in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation. India became a sectoral dialogue partner with ASEAN in 1992, a full dialogue partner in 1995, a member of the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific, a member of the ASEAN Regional Forum in 1996, and a summit level partner (on par with China, Japan and Korea) in 2002. The first India-ASEAN Business Summit was held in New Delhi in 2002. India also acceded to ASEAN’s Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia in 2003.
In many cases, India’s membership to these forums has been a result of attempts by the region to balance China’s growing influence in the area. Notably, Japan brought India into ASEAN+6 to dilute the ASEAN+3 process, where China is dominant, while Singapore and Indonesia played a significant role in bringing India into the East Asia Summit. The United States and Japan have also lobbied for India’s membership in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation. Numerous infrastructure projects also serve to tie India closer to East Asia. India is participating in the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific initiatives for an Asian Highway Network and the Trans-Asian Railway Network. Discussions are also proceeding on reopening the World War II-era Stilwell Road linking India’s Assam state with China’s Yunnan province through Myanmar.
Assessment
Commerce with South and East Asian nations accounts for almost 45% of India’s foreign trade. Although its efforts have met with considerable success, India trails China in the volume of trade and economic ties it enjoys with the nations of the region. India’s cultivation of friendly relations with the military regime of Burma and its reluctance to criticise or pressure it over human rights violations and suppression of democracy has evoked much criticism at home and abroad.
References
1. ^ “Looking East to Look West: Lee Kuan … – Google Books”. Books.google.co.in. 1965-08-09. http://books.google.co.in/books?id=DFo1yl5AGokC&printsec=frontcover&dq=datta-ray+looking+east&hl=en&ei=QlB-TLTrLoG4vQO7zfyDDg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CCwQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false/. Retrieved 2010-09-03.
2. ^ Thongkholal Haokip, ‘India’s Look East Policy: Prospects and Challenges for Northeast India’, http://www.freewebs.com/roberthaokip/articles/Indias_Look_East_policy_Northeast.pdf
3. ^ http://countrystudies.us/india/126.htm India-Nepal Treaty]
4. ^ a b Sino-Myanmar Relations: Analysis and Prospects by Lixin Geng, The Culture Mandala, Vol. 7, no. 2, December 2006
5. ^ Shambaugh, David (2006). Power Shift: China and Asia’s New Dynamics. University of California Press. pp. 218. ISBN 978-0520245709.
6. ^ http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7013975.stm | work=BBC News | title=Explaining India’s silence over Burma | date=September 26, 2007 | accessdate=May 11, 2010}}
7. ^ “Explaining India’s silence over Burma”. BBC News. September 26, 2007. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7013975.stm. Retrieved May 11, 2010.
8. ^ India and China compete for Burma’s resources
9. ^ “India-China trade link to reopen”, BBC News, 19-06-2006. Retrieved on 31-01-2007.
10. ^ India-China relations: Ten-pronged strtegy
11. ^ India, China to meet trade target by 2010
12. ^ India and China row over border
13. ^ In China, Pranab to take up the stress in ties
14. ^ Hongmei, Li (2010-10-27). “India’s “Look East Policy” means “Look to encircle China” ?”. People’s Daily. http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/90002/96417/7179404.html. Retrieved 2010-11-01.
15. ^ Bing, Dai (2010-10-22). “India and China’s great game in full swing”. China Internet Information Center. http://www.china.org.cn/opinion/2010-10/22/content_21181802.htm. Retrieved 2010-11-01.
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India’s Superpower Euphoria CXLI
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